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THE FACTS 
OF RECONSTRUCTION 




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THE FACTS 
OF RECONSTRUCTION 



BY 

JOHN R. LYNCH 

Formerly Member of Congress from Mississippi; Formerly 

Temporary Chairman of the Republican National 

Convention of 1884; Formerly Fourth 

Auditor of the United States 

Treasury 




NEW YORK 

THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY 

1913 






Copyright, 1913, by 
The Neale Publishing Company 



JAN -2 1914 



i Vr-r.. (?^..r\ h'iiW AM ) 



^A CONTENTS 



VJ 



PAGE 

Preface . . . . 9 

CHAPTER 

I The Part Played by Mississippi in the Early 

Days of Reconstruction 13 

11 Reorganization of the State Departments 

During Governor Alcorn's Administration 30 

III The Republican County Convention of 1869 38 

IV Important Educational and Political Meas- 

ures OF THE New Legislature 48 

V The Contest for Speaker of the Mississippi 

House of Representatives 58 

VI Fusion of Democrats and Republicans in the 
State Election of 1873. Republican Vic- 
tory 70 

VII Mississippi Sends B. K. Bruce to the United 

States Senate ^^ 

VIII Improved Financial Condition of Mississippi 

Under the Ames Administration ... 83 

IX What Constitutes "Negro Domination" . . 92 

X Overthrow of the Republican State Govern- 
ment IN Mississippi 100 

XI Rise of Democratic Radicalism in the South iio 

XII Eventful Days of the Forty-third Congress 127 

XIII State Campaign of 1875. Republican Victory 137 

XIV Interview Between the Author and the 

President Regarding State Appointments 147 

XV The Presidential Election of 1876 and its 

Results 156 

XVI Effects of the Reform Administration in 

Mississippi 161 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XVII The Hayes-Tilden Contest. The Electoral 

Commission i6g 

XVIII Attitude of the Hayes Administration To- 
ward the South 177 

XIX Question of the Validity of Senator Lamar's 

Election 186 

XX Repubucan National Convention of 1880. 
Nomination of the Compromise Candidate, 
Garfield 191 

XXI Story of the Misunderstanding Between 

Garfield and Conkling 202 

XXII The National Campaign of 1884 215 

XXIII The Election of Grover Cleveland . . . 227 

XXIV Interview with Secretary Lamar on the Re- 

taining of Colored Men in Office . . . 235 

XXV The Federal Elections Bill 251 

'., XXVI Mississippi and the Nullification of the Fif- 
teenth Amendment 261 

XXVII Effect of the McKinley Tariff Bill on Both 

Political Parties 269 

XXVIII Interview Between the Author and Presi- 
dent Cleveland and Secretary Gresham . 272 

XXIX The National Republican Convention of igoo 282 

XXX Argument on Proposed Change of Repre- 
sentation IN Convention 295 

XXXI Comparison of Bryan and Cleveland . . . 305 

XXXII The Solid South. Future of the Republican 

Party 316 



PREFACE 

The author of this book is one of the few remain- 
ing links in the chain by which the present genera- 
tion is connected with the reconstruction period, 
— the most important and eventful period in our 
country's history. 

What is herein recorded is based upon the author's 
own knowledge, contact and experience. Very much, 
of course, has been written and published about re- 
construction, but most of it is superficial and unre- 
liable; and, besides, nearly all of it has been written 
in such a style and tone as to make the alleged facts 
related harmonize with what was believed to be de- 
manded by public sentiment. The author of this 
work has endeavored to present facts as they were 
and are, rather than as he would like to have them, 
and to set them down without the slightest regard 
to their effect upon the public mind, except so far 
as that mind may be influenced by the truth, the 
whole truth and nothing but the truth. In his efforts 
along these lines he has endeavored to give expres- 
sion to his ideas, opinions and convictions in language 
that is moderate and devoid of bitterness, and entirely 
free from race prejudice, sectional animosity, or par- 
tisan bias. Whether or not he has succeeded in doing 

9 



lo PREFACE 

so he is willing to leave to the considerate judgment 
and impartial decision of those who may take the 
time to read what is here recorded. In writing what 
is to be found in these pages, the author has made 
no effort to draw upon the imagination, nor to gratify 
the wishes of those whose chief ambition is to mag- 
nify the faults and deficiencies in some and to extol 
the good and commendable traits and qualities in 
others. In other words, his chief purpose has been 
to furnish the readers and students of the present 
generation with a true, candid and impartial state- 
ment of material and important facts based upon his 
own personal knowledge and experience, with such 
comments as in his judgment the occasion and cir- 
cumstances warranted. 

Was the enfranchisement of the black men at the 
South by act of Congress a grave mistake? 

Were the reconstructed State Governments that 
were organized as a result thereof a disappointment 
and a failure? 

Was the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal 
Constitution premature and unwise? 

An affirmative answer to the above questions will 
be found in nearly everything that has been written 
about Reconstruction during the last quarter of a 
icentury. The main purpose of this work is to present 
the other side; but, in doing so, the author indulges 
the hope that those who may read these chapters will 
find that no extravagant and exaggerated statements 



PREFACE II 

have been made, and that there has heen no effort 
to conceal, excuse, or justify any act that was ques- 
tionable or wrong. It will be seen that the primary 
object the author has sought to accomplish, is to 
bring to public notice those things that were com- 
mendable and meritorious, to prevent the publication 
of which seems to have been the primary purpose of 
nearly all who have thus far written upon that im- 
portant subject. 

But again, the question may be asked, if the re- 
constructed State Governments that were organized 
and brought into existence under the Congressional 
Plan of Reconstruction were not a disappointment 
and a failure, why is it that they could not and did 
not stand the test of time? The author hopes and 
believes that the reader will find in one of the chap- 
ters of this book^ a complete and satisfactory answer 
to that question. 

It will be seen that the State of Mississippi is made 
the pivotal one in the presentation of the facts and 
historical points touched upon in this work; but that 
is because Mississippi was the field of the author's po- 
litical activities. That State, however, was largely 
typical, hence what was true of that one was, in the 
main, true of all the other reconstructed States. 

The author was a member of Congress during the 
settlement of the controversy between Hayes' and 
Tilden for the Presidency of the United States, re- 
sulting from the close and doubtful election of 1876, 



12 PREFACE 

— a controversy that was finally decided through the 
medium of the Electoral Commission. The reader 
will find in the chapter on that subject many impor- 
tant facts and incidents not heretofore published. 

Why was it that the able and brilliant statesman 
from Maine, James G. Blaine, died, as did Henry 
Clay, without having reached the acme of his ambi- 
tion, — the Presidency of the United States? Why 
was he defeated for the Republican Presidential 
nomination in 1876, — the only time when it was pos- 
sible for him to be elected, and defeated for the 
election in 1884, — the only time when it was possi- 
ble for him to be nominated? The answer to these 
questions will be found in this book. 

Then the interviews between the author and Presi- 
dents Grant and Cleveland, and Secretaries Blaine, 
Lamar, and Gresham will no doubt be interesting, if 
not instructive. 

If, in writing this book, the author shall have suc- 
ceeded in placing before the public accurate and trust- 
worthy information relative to Reconstruction, his 
highest ambition will have been fully gratified, his 
sense of justice entirely satisfied. 

John R. Lynch. 



THE FACTS 
OF RECONSTRUCTION 

CHAPTER I 

THE PART PLAYED BY MISSISSIPPI IN THE EARLY 
DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

The year 1866 was an eventful one in the history 
of this country. A bitter war was in progress be- 
tween Congress and President Andrew Johnson 
over the question of the reconstruction of the States 
lately in rebellion against the National Government. 
The President had inaugurated a policy of his own 
that proved to be very unpopular at the North. 
He had pardoned nearly all the leaders in the re- 
bellion through the medium of amnesty proclama- 
tions. In each rebel State he had appointed a pro- 
visional governor under whose direction Legisla- 
tures, State officers, and members of Congress had 
been chosen, and the Legislatures thus chosen 
elected the United States Senators for the Southern 
States in accordance with the President's plan of 
reconstruction. To make restoration to the Union 

13 



14 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

full and complete nothing remained to be done but 
to admit to their seats the Senators and Represen- 
tatives that had been chosen. In the mean time 
these different Legislatures had enacted laws which 
virtually re-enslaved those that had been emanci- 
pated in their respective States. For this the North 
would not stand. Sentiment in that section de- 
manded not only justice and fair treatment for the 
newly emancipated race but also an emancipation 
that should be thorough and complete, not merely 
theoretical and nominal. 

The fact was recognized and appreciated that the 
colored people had been loyal to the Union and 
faithful to the flag of their country and that they 
had rendered valuable assistance in putting down 
the rebellion. From a standpoint of gratitude, if 
not of justice, the sentiment of the North at that 
time was in favor of fair play for the colored peo- 
ple of the South. But the President would not 
yield to what was generally believed to be the dom- 
inant sentiment of the North on the question of 
reconstruction. He insisted that the leaders of the 
Republican party in Congress did not represent the 
true sentiment of the country, so he boldly deter- 
mined to antagonize the leaders in Congress, and 
to present their differences to the court of public 
opinion at the approaching Congressional elections. 
The issue was thus joined and the people were 
called upon to render judgment in the election of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 15 

members of Congress in the fall of 1866. The 
President, with the solid support of the Democrats 
and a small minority of the Republicans, made a 
brave and gallant fight. The result, however, was 
a crushing defeat for him and a national repudia- 
tion of his plan of reconstruction. 

Notwithstanding this defeat the President re- 
fused to yield, continuing the fight with Congress 
which finally resulted in his impeachment by the 
House of Representatives for high Crimes and Mis- 
demeanors in office and in his trial by the Senate sit- 
ting as a High Court for that purpose. When the 
vote of the court was taken the President was saved 
from conviction and from removal from office by 
the narrow margin of one vote, — a sufficient num- 
ber of Republican Senators having voted with the 
Democrats to prevent conviction. It was believed 
by many at the time that some of the Republican 
Senators that voted for acquittal did so chiefly on 
account of their antipathy to the man who would 
succeed to the Presidency in the event of the con- 
viction of the President.. This man was Senator 
Benjamin Wade, of Ohio, — President pro tern, of 
the Senate, — who, as the law then stood, would 
have succeeded to the Presidency in the event of a 
vacancy in that office from any cause. 

Senator Wade was an able man, but there were 
others who were much more brilliant. He was a 
strong party man. He had no patience with those 



i6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

who claimed to be Republicans and yet refused to 
abide by the decision of the majority of the party 
organization unless that decision should be what 
they wanted. In short, he was an organization 
Republican, — what has since been characterized by 
some as a machine man, — the sort of active and 
aggressive man that would be likely to make for 
himself enemies of men in his own organization who 
were afraid of his great power and influence, and 
jealous of him as a political rival. That some of 
his senatorial Republican associates should feel that 
the best service they could render their country 
would be to do all in their power to prevent such 
a man from being elevated to the Presidency was, 
perhaps, perfectly natural: for while they knew 
that he was a strong and able man, they also knew 
that, according to his convictions of party duty 
and party obligations, he firmly believed that he who 
served his party best served his country best. In 
giving expression to his views and convictions, as 
he usually did with force and vigor, he was not al- 
ways considerate of the wishes and feelings of those 
with whom he did not agree. That he would have 
given the country an able administration is the 
concurrent opinion of those who knew him best. 

While President Johnson was retained in office 
he was practically shorn of the greater part of the 
power and patronage that attaches to the office. 
This was done through the passage of a bill, over 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 17 

the president's veto, known as the Tenure of Office 
Act. The constitutionality of this act, which 
greatly curtailed the power of the President to make 
removals from office, was seriously questioned at 
the time, but it was passed as a political necessity, 
— to meet an unusual and unexpected emergency 
that seemed to threaten the peace and tranquillity 
of the country and practically to nullify the fruits 
of the victory which had been won on the field of 
battle. The law was repealed or materially modi- 
fied as soon as President Johnson retired from 
office. The President also vetoed all the recon- 
struction bills, — bills conferring suffrage on the 
colored men in the States that were to be recon- 
structed, — that passed Congress; but they were 
promptly passed over the veto. 

The rejection by the country of the Johnson plan 
of reconstruction, had clearly demonstrated that no 
halfway measures were possible. If the colored 
men were not enfranchised then the Johnson plan 
might as well be accepted. The Republican or 
Union white men at the South were not sufficient 
in numbers to make their power or influence felt. 
The necessities of the situation, therefore, left no 
alternative but the enfranchisement of the blacks. 
It was ascertained and acknowledged that to make 
possible the reconstruction of the States lately in 
rebellion, in accordance with the plan which had 
met with the emphatic approval of the North, the 



i8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

enfranchisement of the blacks in the States to be re- 
constructed was an absolute necessity. 

The first election held in Mississippi under the 
Reconstruction Acts took place in 1867, when dele- 
gates to a Constitutional Convention were elected 
to frame a new Constitution. The Democrats de- 
cided to adopt what they declared to be a policy of 
" Masterly Inactivity," that is, to refrain from tak- 
ing any^ part in the election and to allow it to go 
by default. The result was that the Republicans 
had a large majority of the delegates, only a few 
counties having elected Democratic delegates. The 
only reason that there were any Democrats in the 
Convention at all was that the party was not unan- 
imous in the adoption of the policy of " Masterly 
Inactivity," and consequently did not adhere to it. 
The Democrats in a few counties in the State re- 
jected the advice and repudiated the action of the 
State Convention of their party on this point. The 
result was that a few very able men were elected 
to the convention as Democrats, — such men, for 
instance, as John W. C. Watson, and William M. 
Compton, of Marshall County, and William L. 
Hemingway, of Carroll, who was elected State 
Treasurer by the Democrats in 1875, and to whom 
a more extended reference will be made in a subse- 
quent chapter. 

The result of the election made it clear that if 
the Democratic organization in the State had 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 19 

adopted the course that was pursued by the mem- 
bers of that party in the counties by which the ac- 
tion of their State Convention was repudiated, the 
Democrats would have had at least a large and in- 
fluential minority of the delegates, which would have 
resulted in the framing of a constitution that would 
have been much more acceptable to the members of 
that party than the one that was finally agreed 
upon by the majority of the members of that body. 
But the Democratic party in the State was governed 
and controlled by the radical element of that or- 
ganization, — an element which took the position 
that no respectable white Democrat could afford to 
participate in an election in which colored men were 
allowed to vote. To do so, they held, would not 
only be humiliating to the pride of the white men, 
but the contamination would be unwise if not dan- 
gerous. Besides, they were firm in the belief and 
honest in the conviction that the country would ul- 
timately repudiate the Congressional Plan of Re- 
construction, and that in the mean time it would be 
both safe and wise for them to give expression to 
their objections to it and abhorrence of it by pur- 
suing a course of masterly inactivity. The liberal 
and conservative element in the party was so bitterly 
opposed to this course that in spite of the action of 
the State Convention several counties, as has been 
already stated, bolted the action of the convention 
and took part in the election. 



20 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Of the Republican membership of the Constitu- 
tional Convention a large majority were white men, 
— many of them natives of the State and a number 
of others, though born elsewhere, residents in the 
State for many years preceding the war of the 
Rebellion. My own county, Adams (Natchez), in 
which the colored voters were largely in the major- 
ity, and which was entitled to three delegates in 
the convention, elected two white men, — E. J. Cas- 
tello, and Fred Parsons, — and one colored man, H. 
P. Jacobs, a Baptist preacher. Throughout the 
State the proportion was about the same. This 
was a great disappointment to the dominating ele- 
ment in the Democratic party, who had hoped and 
expected, through their policy of " Masterly Inac- 
tivity " and intimidation of white men, that the 
convention would be composed almost exclusively 
of illiterate and inexperienced colored men. Al- 
though a minor at that time, I took an active part 
in the local politics of my county, and, being a 
member of a Republican club that had been organ- 
ized at Natchez, I was frequently called upon to 
address the members at its weekly meetings. 

When the State Constitution was submitted to a 
popular vote for ratification or rejection I took an 
active part in the county campaign in advocacy of 
its ratification. In this election the Democrats pur- 
sued a course that was just the opposite of that 
pursued by them in the election of delegates to the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 21 

Constitutional Convention. They decided that it 
was no longer unwise and dangerous for white men 
to take part in an election in which colored men 
were allowed to participate. This was due largely 
to the fact that the work of the convention had 
been far different from what they had anticipated. 
The newly framed Constitution was, taken as a 
whole, such an excellent document that in all prob- 
ability it would have been ratified without serious 
opposition but for the fact that there was an un- 
fortunate, unwise and unnecessary clause in it which 
practically disfranchised those who had held an 
office under the Constitution of the United States 
and who, having taken an oath to support and de- 
fend the Constitution of the United States, had 
afterwards supported the cause of the Confederacy. 
This clause caused very bitter and intense opposition 
to the ratification of the Constitution. When the 
election was over it was found that the Constitution 
had been rejected by a small majority. This re- 
sult could not be fairly accepted as an indication 
of the strength of the two parties in the State, for 
it was a well-known fact that the Republican party 
had a clear majority of about 30,000. 

Notwithstanding the large Republican majority 
in the State, which was believed to be safe, sure 
and reliable, there were several causes that con- 
tributed to the rejection of the newly framed Con- 
stitution. Among the causes were: 



22 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

First. In consequence of the bitterness with which 
the ratification of the Constitution had been fought, 
on account of the objectionable clause referred to, 
intimidating methods had been adopted in sev- 
eral counties in which there was a large colored 
vote, resulting in a loss of several thousand votes 
for the Constitution. 

Second. There were several thousand Republi- 
cans both white and colored, — but chiefly colored, 
— who were opposed to that offensive and objec- 
tionable clause, believing the same to be unjust, un- 
necessary, and unwise; hence, many of that class 
refused to vote either way. 

Third. There were thousands of voters, the 
writer being one of that number, who favored rati- 
fication because the Constitution as a whole was a 
most excellent document, and because its ratifica- 
tion would facilitate the readmittance of Mississippi 
into the Union; after which tlie one objectionable 
clause could be stricken out by means of an amend- 
ment. While all of this class favored and advo- 
cated ratification for the reasons stated, yet their 
known attitude towards the clause proved to be a 
contributary cause of the rejection of the Constitu- 
tion. 

The reader may not understand why there were 
any colored men, especially at that time and in that 
section, that would have any sympathy for the white 
men who would have been victims of this clause had 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 23 

the new Constitution been ratified. But if the 
reader will closely follow what this writer will set 
down in subsequent chapters of this work, he will 
find the reasons why there was and still is a bond 
of sympathy between the two races at the South, — 
a bond that the institution of slavery with all its 
horrors could not destroy, the Rebellion could not 
wipe out. Reconstruction could not efface, and 
subsequent events have not been able to change. 
The writer is aware of the fact that thousands 
of intelligent people are now laboring under 
the impression that there exists at the South a 
bitter feeling of antagonism between the two races 
and that this has produced dangerous and difficult 
problems for the country to solve. That some 
things have occurred that would justify such a, 
conclusion, especially on the part of those who 
are not students of this subject, will not be de- 
nied. 

After the rejection of the Constitution no further 
effort was made to have Mississippi readmitted into 
the Union until after the Presidential and Congres- 
sional elections of 1868. The Democratic party 
throughout the country was solid in its support of 
President Andrew Johnson, and was bitter in its 
opposition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruc- 
tion. Upon a platform that declared the Recon- 
struction Acts of Congress to be unconstitutional, 
revolutionary, and void, the Democrats nominated 



24 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

for President and Vice-President, Ex-Governor 
Horatio Seymour, of New York, and General Frank 
P. Blair, of Missouri. The Republicans nominated 
for President General U. S. Grant, of Illinois, 
and for Vice-President Speaker Schuyler Col- 
fax, of Indiana. These candidates were nomi- 
nated upon a platform which strongly supported 
and indorsed the Congressional Plan of Reconstruc- 
tion. 

On this issue the two parties went before the peo- 
ple for a decision. The Republicans were success- 
ful, but not by such a decisive majority as in the 
Congressional election of 1866. In fact, if all the 
Southern States that took part in that election had 
gone Democratic, tlie hero of Appomattox would 
have been defeated. It was the Southern States, 
giving Republican majorities through the votes of 
their colored men, that saved that important na- 
tional election to the Republican party. To the 
very great surprise of the Republican leaders the 
party lost the important and pivotal State of New 
York. It had been confidently believed that the 
immense popularity of General Grant and his pres- 
tige as a brilliant and successful Union general 
would save every doubtful State to the Republicans, 
New York, of course, included. But this expecta- 
tion was not realized. The result, it is needless to 
say, was a keen and bitter disappointment, for no 
effort had been spared to bring to the attention of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 25 

the voters the strong points in General Grant. A 
vote against Grant, it was strongly contended, was 
virtually a vote against the Union. Frederick 
Douglass, who electrified many audiences in that 
campaign, made the notable declaration that " While 
Washington had given us a country, it was Grant 
who had saved us a country." And yet the savior 
of our country failed in that election to save to the 
Republican party the most important State in the 
Union. But, notwithstanding the loss of New 
York, the Republicans not only elected the President 
and Vice-President, but also had a safe majority 
in both branches of Congress. 

One of the first acts of Congress after the Presi- 
dential election of 1868 was one authorizing the 
President to submit Mississippi's rejected Constitu- 
tion once again to a popular vote. The same act 
authorized the President to submit to a separate 
vote such clause or clauses of said Constitution as 
in his judgment might be particularly obnoxious to 
any considerable number of the people of the State. 
It was not and could not be denied that the Constitu- 
tion as a whole was a most admirable document. 
The Democrats had no serious objection to its rati- 
fication if the clause disfranchising most of their 
leaders were eliminated. When it became known 
that this clause would be submitted to a separate 
vote, and that the Republican organization would 
not insist upon its retention, no serious opposition 



26 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

to the ratification of the Constitution was antici- 
pated. And, indeed, none was made. 

The time fixed for holding the election was 
November, 1869. In the mean time the State was 
to be under military control. General Adelbert 
Ames was made Military Governor, with power to 
fill by appointment every civil office in the State. 
Shortly after General Ames took charge as Military 
Governor the Republican club at Natchez agreed 
upon a slate to be submitted to the Military Gover- 
nor for his favorable consideration, the names upon 
said slate being the choice of the Republican organ- 
ization of the county for county and city officials. 
Among the names thus agreed upon was that of the 
Rev. H. P. Jacobs for Justice of the Peace. It was 
then decided to send a member of the club to Jack- 
son, the State capital, to present the slate to the 
Governor in person in order to answer questions 
that might be asked or to give any information 
that might be desired about any of the persons 
whose names appeared on the slate. It fell to my 
lot to be chosen for that purpose ; the necessary 
funds being raised by the club to pay my expenses. 
I accepted the mission, contingent upon my em- 
ployer's granting me leave of absence. 

Natchez at that time was not connected with 
Jackson by railroad, so that the only way for me to 
reach the capital was to go by steamer from Natchez 
to Vicksburg or to New Orleans, and from there by 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 27 

rail to Jackson. The trip, therefore, would neces- 
sarily consume the greater part of a week. My 
employer, — who was what was known as a North- 
ern man, having come there after the occupation of 
the place by the Federal troops, — not only granted 
me leave of absence but agreed to remain in the city 
and carry on the business during my absence. 
When I arrived at the building occupied by the 
Governor and sent up my card, I had to wait only 
a few minutes before I was admitted to his office. 
The Governor received me cordially and treated me 
with marked courtesy, giving close attention while I 
presented as forcibly as I could the merits and quali- 
fications of the different persons whose names were 
on the slate. When I had concluded my remarks 
the Governor's only reply was that he would give 
the matter his early and careful consideration. A 
few weeks later the appointments were announced ; 
but not many of the appointees were persons whose 
names I had presented. However, to my great em- 
barrassment I found that my own name had been 
substituted for that of Jacobs for the office of Jus- 
tice of the Peace. I not only had no ambition in that 
direction but was not aware that my name was 
under consideration for that or for any other office. 
Besides, I was apprehensive that Jacobs and some 
of his friends might suspect me of having been false 
to the trust that had been reposed in me, at least so 
far as the office of Justice of the Peace was con- 



28 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

cerned. At first I was of the opinion that the only- 
way in which I could disabuse their minds of that 
erroneous impression was to decline the appointment. 
But I found out upon inquiry that in no event would 
Jacobs receive the appointment. I was also reliably 
informed that I had not been recommended nor 
suggested by any one, but that the Governor's ac- 
tion was the result of the favorable impression I had 
made upon him when I presented the slate. For 
this, of course, I was in no way responsible. In 
fact the impression of my fitness for the office that 
my brief talk had made upon the Governor was just 
what the club had hoped I would be able to accom- 
plish in the interest of the whole slate. That it so 
happened that I was the beneficiary of the favorable 
impression that my brief talk had made upon the 
Governor may have been unfortunate in one re- 
spect, but it was an unconscious act for which I 
could not be censured. After consulting, therefore, 
with a few personal friends and local party leaders, 
I decided to accept the appointment although, in 
consequence of my youth and inexperience, I had 
serious doubts as to my ability to discharge the du- 
ties of the office which at that time was one of con- 
siderable importance. 

Then the bond question loomed up, which was 
one of the greatest obstacles in my way, although 
the amount was only two thousand dollars. How 
to give that bond was the important problem I had 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 29 

to solve, for, of course, no one was eligible as a 
bondsman who did not own real estate. There 
were very few colored men who were thus eligible, 
and it was out of the question at that time to ex- 
pect any white property owner to sign the bond of a 
colored man. But there were two colored men 
willing to sign the bond for one thousand dollars 
each who were considered eligible by the author- 
ities. These men were William McCary and David 
Singleton. The law, having been duly satisfied in 
the matter of my bond, I was permitted to take the 
path of office in April, 1869, and to enter upon the 
discharge of my duties as a Justice of the Peace, 
which office I held until the 31st of December of 
the same year when I resigned to accept a seat in 
the lower branch of the State Legislature to which 
I had been elected the preceding November. 

When I entered upon the discharge of my duties 
as a Justice of the Peace the only comment that was 
made by the local Democratic paper of the town was 
in these words : " We are now beginning to reap 
the ravishing fruits of Reconstruction." 



CHAPTER II 

REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTS 
DURING GOVERNOR ALCORN's ADMINISTRATION 

The new Constitution of Mississippi, which had 
been rejected in 1868, was to be submitted to a popu- 
lar vote once more in November, 1869. At the same 
time State officers, members of the Legislature, 
Congressmen, and district and county officers were 
to be elected. Since the objectionable clauses in the 
Constitution were to be put to a separate vote, and 
since it was understood "that both parties would 
favor the rejection of these clauses, there was no 
serious opposition to the ratification of the Constitu- 
tion thus amended. A hard and stubborn fight was, 
however, to be made for control of the State Govern- 
ment. 

General James L. Alcorn, who had been a gen- 
eral in the Confederate Army and who had recently 
openly identified himself with the Republican party, 
was nominated by the Republicans for the office of 
Governor of the State. Of the other six men who 
were associated with him on the state ticket, only 
the candidate for Secretary of the State, the Rever- 
end James Lynch, — an able and eloquent minister 

30 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 31 

of the Methodist Church, — was a colored man. 
Lynch was a man of fine ability, of splendid educa- 
tion, and one of the most powerful and convincing 
orators that the Republicans had upon the stump 
in that campaign. He was known and recognized 
as such an able and brilliant speaker that his services 
were in great demand from the beginning to the end 
of the campaign. No Democratic orator, however 
able, was anxious to meet him in joint debate. He 
died suddenly the latter part of 1872. His death 
was a great loss to the State and to the Republican 
party and especially to the colored race. 

Of the other five candidates on the ticket two, — 
the candidates for State Treasurer and Attorney 
General, — were, like General Alcorn, Southern 
white men. The candidate for State Treasurer, 
Hon. W. H. Vasser, was a successful business man 
who lived in the northern part of the State, while 
the candidate for Attorney General, Hon. Joshua S. 
Morris, was a brilliant member of the bar who 
lived in the southern part of the State. The other 
three, the candidates for Lieutenant-Governor, State 
Auditor and Superintendent of Education, were 
Northern men who had settled in the State after the 
War, called by the Democrats, *' Carpet Baggers," 
but they were admitted to be clean and good men 
who had lived in the State long enough to become 
fully identified with its industrial and business inter- 
ests. H. C. Powers, the candidate for Lieutenant- 



32 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Governor, and H. Musgrove, the candidate for Audi- 
tor oi Public Accounts, were successful cotton plant- 
ers from Noxubee and Clarke counties respectively ; 
w^hile H. R. Pease, the candidate for State Superin- 
tendent of Education, had been identified with edu- 
cational work ever since he came to the State. It 
could not be denied that it was a strong and able 
ticket, — ■ one that the Democrats would find it very 
difficult to defeat. In desperation the Democratic 
party had nominated as their candidate for Gover- 
nor a brother-in-law of President Grant's, Judge 
Lewis Dent, in the hope that the President would 
throw the weight of his influence and the active sup- 
port of his administration on the side of his relative, 
as against the candidate of his own party, especially 
in view of the fact that Dent had been nominated not 
as a Democrat but as an Independent Republican, — 
his candidacy simply having been indorsed by the 
Democratic organization. But in this they were 
disappointed, for if the President gave any indica- 
tion of preference it was in favor of the Republican 
ticket. General Ames, for instance, was the Military 
Governor of the State, holding that position at the 
pleasure of the President ; and Ames was so out- 
spoken in his support of the Republican ticket, that 
in an address before the State Republican Conven- 
tion that nominated General Alcorn for the Govern- 
orship he announced, " You have my sympathy and 
shall have my support." This declaration was re- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 33 

ceived by the convention with great applause, for 
it was known that those words from that source 
carried great weight. They meant not only that 
the Republican party would have the active and 
aggressive support of the Military Governor, — ■ 
which was very important and would be worth thou- 
sands of votes to the party, — but they also indicated 
the attitude of the National Administration. The 
campaign was aggressive from beginning to end. 
Judge Dent was at a disadvantage, since his can- 
didacy had failed to bring to his support the in- 
fluence of the National Administration, which had 
been the sole purpose of his nomination. In spite 
of that fact Dent made a game and gallant fight; 
but the election resulted in an overwhelming Re- 
publican victory. That party not only elected the 
State ticket by a majority of about 30,000 but it 
also had a large majority in both branches of the 
State Legislature. 

V The new administration had an important and 
difficult task before it. A State Government had 
to be organized from top to bottom ; a new judiciary 
had to be inaugurated, — consisting of three Justices 
of the State Supreme Court, fifteen Judges of the 
Circuit Court and twenty Chancery Court Judges, — 
who had all to be appointed by the Governor with 
the consent of the Senate, and, in addition, a new 
public school system had to be established. There 
was not a public school building anywhere in the 



34 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

State except in a few of the larger towns, and they, 
with possibly a few exceptions, were greatly in need 
of repairs. To erect the necessary school houses 
and to reconstruct and repair those already in exist- 
ence so as to afford educational facilities for both 
races was by no means an easy task. It necessitated 
a very large outlay of cash in the beginning, which 
resulted in a material increase in the rate of taxa- 
tion for the time being, but the Constitution called 
for the establishment of the system, and of course 
the work had to be done. It was not only done, 
but it was done creditably and as economically as 
possible, considering the conditions at that time. 
That system, though slightly changed, still stands, — 
a creditable monument to the first Republican State 
administration that was organized in the State of 
Mississippi under the Reconstruction Acts of Con- 
gress. 

It was also necessary to reorganize, reconstruct 
and, in many instances, rebuild some of the penal 
and charitable institutions of the State. A new 
code of laws also had to be adopted to take the 
place of the old code and thus wipe out the black 
laws that had been passed by what was known as 
the Johnson Legislature and in addition bring about 
other changes so as to make the laws and statutes 
of the State conform with the new order of things. 
This was no easy task, in view of the fact that a 
heavy increase in the rate of taxation was thus made 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 35 

necessary, for the time being at least. That this 
important work was splendidly, creditably, and 
economically done no fair-minded person who is 
familiar with the facts will question or dispute. 

That the State never had before, and has never 
had since, a finer Judiciary than that which was 
organized under the administration of Governor 
Alcorn and which continued under the administra- 
tion of Governor Ames is an indisputable and in- 
controvertible fact. The Judges of the Supreme 
Court were E. G. Peyton, H. F. Simrall and J. Tar- 
bell, who in Mississippi had no superiors in their 
profession, and who had the respect and confidence 
of the bar and of the people without regard to race 
or politics. Judge Peyton was the Chief Justice, 
Simrall and Tarbell being the Associate Justices. 
The first two were old residents of the State, while 
Mr. Justice Tarbelljcvas what the Democrats would 
call a " Carpet Bagger." But that he was an able 
lawyer and a man of unimpeachable integrity no 
one doubted or questioned. During the second ad- 
ministration of President Grant he held the im- 
portant position of Second Comptroller of the 
United States Treasury. The Circuit Court bench 
was graced with such able and brilliant lawyers as. 
Jason Niles, G. C. Chandler, George F. Brown, J. 
A. Orr, John W. Vance, Robert Leachman, B. B. 
Boone, Orlando Davis, James M. Smiley, Uriah 
Millsaps, William M. Hancock, E. S. Fisher, C. C. 



36 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Shackle ford, W. B. Cunningham, W. D. Bradford 
and A. Alderson. Judges Brown and Cunning- 
ham were the only ones in the above list who were 
not old residents of the State. After leaving the 
bench, Judge Chandler served for several years as 
United States Attorney. Judge Niles served one 
term as a member of Congress, having been elected 
as a Republican in 1875, His son Henry Clay 
Niles is now United States District Judge for the 
State, having been appointed to that important posi- 
tion by President Harrison. He was strongly 
recommended by many members of the bench and 
bar of the State; and the very able and creditable 
w^ay in which he has discharged the duties of the 
position has more than demonstrated the wisdom 
of the selection. 

The Chancery Courts as organized by Governor 
Alcorn and continued by Governor Ames were com- 
posed of men no less able and brilliant than 
those who composed the Bench of the Circuit 
Courts. They were: J. C. Lyon, E. P. Har- 
mon, E. G. Peyton, Jr., J. M. Ellis, G. S. McMillan, 
Samuel Young, W. G. Henderson, Edwin Hill, T. 
R. Gowan, J. F. Simmons, Wesley Drane, D. W. 
Walker, DeWitte Stearns, D. P. Coffee, E. W. 
Cabiness, A. E. Reynolds, Thomas Christian, Aus- 
tin Pollard, J. J. Hooker, O. H. Whitfield, E. Staf- 
ford, W. A. Drennan, Thomas Walton, E. H. 
Osgood, C. A. Sullivan, Hiram Cassedy, Jr., W. B. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 37 

Peyton, J. D. Barton, J. J. Dennis, W. D. Frazee, 
P. P. Bailey, L. C. Abbott, H. W. Warren, R. Boyd, 
R. B. Stone, William Breck, J. N. Campbell, H. R. 
Ware and J. B. Deason. The above names com- 
posed those who were appointed both by Governors 
Alcorn and Ames. A majority of those originally 
appointed by Governor Alcorn were reappointed by 
Governor Ames. Of the forty appointments of 
Judges of the Chancery Courts made under the 
administrations of Alcorn and Ames, not more than 
about seven were not to the " manner born." The 
administration of James L. Alco^m as Governor of 
the State of Mississippi is one of the best with which 
that unfortunate State has been blessed. A more 
extended reference to the subsequent administra- 
tion of Governor Ames will be made in a later 
chapter. 



CHAPTER III 

THE REPUBLICAN COUNTY CONVENTION OF 1 869 

Although it was not charged nor even intimated 
that my acceptance of the office of Justice of the 
Peace was the result of bad faith on my part, still 
the appointment resulted in the creation for the 
time being of two factions in the Republican party 
in the county. One was known as the Lynch fac- 
tion, the other as the Jacobs faction. 

When the Constitution was submitted to a popu- 
lar vote in November, 1869, it was provided that 
officers should be elected at the same time to all of- 
fices created by the Constitution and that they, in- 
cluding members of the Legislature, were to be 
chosen by popular vote. The county of Adams 
/ (Natchez) was entitled to one member of the State 
Senate and three members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. Jacobs was a candidate for the Republi- 
can nomination for State Senator. The Lynch fac- 
tion, however, refused to support him for that posi- 
tion although it had no objection to his nomination 
for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted 
in his candidacy for State Senator the Lynch fac- 
tion brought out an opposing candidate in the per- 

38 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 39 

son of a Baptist minister by the name of J. M. P. 
Williams. The contest between the two Republi- 
can candidates was interesting and exciting, though 
not bitter, and turned out to be very close. 

The convention was to be composed of thirty- 
three delegates, seventeen being necessary to nom- 
inate. The result at the primary election of dele- 
gates to the convention was so close that it was 
impossible to tell which one had a majority, since 
there were several delegates, — about whose at- 
titude and preference there had been some doubt, 
— who refused to commit themselves either way. 
In the organization of the convention the Williams 
men gained the first advantage, one of their num- 
ber having been made permanent chairman. But 
this was not important since there were no contests 
for seats, consequently the presiding officer would 
have no occasion to render a decision that could 
have any bearing upon the composition of the body 
over which he presided. 

Both sides agreed that the nomination for State 
Senator should be made first and that the vote 
should be by ballot, the ballots to be received and 
counted by two tellers, one to be selected by each 
faction. When the result of the first ballot was an- 
nounced, Jacobs had sixteen votes, Williams, six- 
teen, and a third man had one. Several ballots 
were taken with the same result, when, with the 
consent of both sides, a recess was taken until 3 



40 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

o'clock in the afternoon. The one delegate that 
refused to vote for either Jacobs or Williams made 
no effort to conceal his identity. To the contrary, 
he was outspoken in his determination and decision 
that he would not at any time or under any circum- 
stances vote for either. Strange to say, this man 
was also a colored Baptist preacher, the Rev. Noah 
Buchanan, from the Washington district. Mem- 
bers of both factions approached him during the 
recess and pleaded with him, but their efforts and 
pleadings were all in vain. Nothing could move 
him or change him. He stated that he had given 
the matter his careful and serious consideration, 
and that he had come to the conclusion that neither 
Jacobs nor Williams was a fit man to represent the 
important county of Adams in the State Senate, 
hence neither could get his vote. At the afternoon 
session, after several ballots had been taken with the 
same result, an adjournment was ordered until 
9 o'clock next morning. 

Soon after adjournment each side went into 
caucus. At the Jacobs meeting it was decided to 
stick to their man to the very last. At the Wil- 
liams meeting Hon. H. C. Griffin, white leader 
of the Williams men, suggested the name of the 
Rev. H. R. Revels as a compromise candidate. 
Revels was comparatively a new man in the com- 
munity. He had recently been stationed at Natchez 
as pastor in charge of the A. M. E. Church, and 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 41 

so far as known he had never voted, had never at- 
tended a poHtical meeting, and of course, had never 
made a poHtical speech. But he was a colored 
man, and presumed to be a Republican, and be- 
lieved to be a man of ability and considerably 
above the average in point of intelligence; just the 
man, it was thought, the Rev. Noah Buchanan 
would be willing to vote for. 

After considerable discussion it was agreed that 
a committee should be appointed to wait on Mr. 
Williams in order to find out if he would be willing 
to withdraw in favor of Revels should his friends 
and supporters deem such a step necessary and 
wise. In the event of Williams' withdrawal, the 
committee was next to call on Revels to find out 
if he would consent to the use of his name. If 
Revels consented, the committee was next to call 
on Rev. Buchanan to find out whether or not he 
would vote for Revels. This committee was to 
report to the caucus at 8 o'clock next morning. 

At the appointed time the committee reported 
that Williams had stated that he was in the hands 
of his friends and that he would abide by any de- 
cision they might make. Revels, the report stated, 
who had been taken very much by surprise, — having 
had no idea that his name would ever be mentioned 
in connection with any office, — had asked to be al- 
lowed until 7 o'clock in the morning to consider 
the matter and to talk it over with his wife. At 



42 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

7 o'clock he notified the chairman of the committee 
that he would accept the nomination if tendered. 

Buchanan had informed the committee that he 
had heard of Revels but did not know him per- 
sonally. He too had asked to be allowed until 7 
o'clock in the morning before giving a positive an- 
swer, so as to enable him to make the necessary 
inquiries to find out whether or not Revels was a 
suitable man for the position. At 7 o'clock he 
informed the chairman of the committee that if 
the name of Williams should be withdrawn in favor 
of Revels he would cast his vote for Revels. The 
caucus then decided by a unanimous vote that upon 
the assembling of the convention at 9 o'clock that 
morning Mr, Griffin should withdraw the name 
of Williams from before the convention as a can- 
didate for State Senator, but that no other name 
should be placed in nomination. Every member 
of the caucus, however, was committed to vote for 
Revels. This decision was to be communicated to 
no one outside of the caucus except to Mr. Bu- 
chanan, who was to be privately informed of it by 
the chairman of the committee to whom he had 
communicated his own decision. 

As soon as the convention was called to order 
Mr. Griffin was recognized by the chair. He stated 
that he had been authorized to withdraw the name 
of Rev. J. M. P. Williams from before the con- 
vention as candidate for State Senator. This an- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 43 

nouncement was received by the Jacobs men with 
great applause. The withdrawal of the name of 
Williams without placing any other in nomination 
they accepted as evidence that further opposition 
to the nomination of their candidate had been aban- 
doned and that his nomination was a foregone 
conclusion. But they were not allowed to labor 
under that impression very long. The roll-call was 
immediately ordered by the chair and the tellers 
took their places. When the ballots had been 
counted and tabulated, the result was seventeen 
votes for Revels and sixteen votes for Jacobs. The 
announcement was received by the Williams men 
with great applause. The result was a victory for 
them because it was their sixteen votes together 
with the vote of Rev. Noah Buchanan that had 
nominated Revels. The Jacobs men accepted their 
defeat gracefully. A motion was offered by their 
leader to make the nomination unanimous and it 
was adopted without a dissenting vote. In antici- 
pation of his nomination Revels was present as one 
of the interested spectators and upon being called 
upon for a brief address he delivered it with telling 
effect, thereby making a most favorable impression. 
This address convinced Rev. Noah Buchanan that 
he had made no mistake in voting for Revels. Ja- 
cobs was then nominated for member of the House 
of Representatives without opposition, his associates 
being John R. Lynch and Capt. O. C. French, a 



44 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

white Republican. Tlie ticket as completed was 
elected by a majority of from fifteen hundred to 
two thousand, a Republican nomination in Adams 
County at that time being equivalent to an election. 

When the Legislature convened at Jackson the 
first Monday in January, 1870, it was suggested to 
Lieutenant-Governor Powers, presiding officer oi 
the Senate, that he invite the Rev. Dr. Revels to 
open the Senate with prayer. The suggestion was 
favorably acted upon. That prayer, — one of the 
most impressive and eloquent prayers that had ever 
been delivered in the Senate Chamber, — made Rev- 
els a United States Senator. He made a profound 
impression upon all who heard him. It impressed 
those who heard it that Revels was not only a man 
of great natural ability but that he was also a man 
of superior attainments. 

The duty devolved upon that Legislature to fill 
three vacancies in the United States Senate: one, 
a fractional term of about one year, — the re- 
mainder of the six year term to which Jefferson 
Davis had been elected before the breaking out of 
the Rebellion, — another fractional term of about 
five years, and the third, the full term of six years, 
beginning with the expiration of the fractional term 
of one year. The colored members of the Legis- 
lature constituted a very small minority not only of 
the total membership of that body but also of the 
Republican members. Of the thirty-three mem- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 45 

bers of which the Senate was composed four of 
them were colored men : H. R. Revels, of Adams ; 
Charles Caldwell, of Hinds; Robert deed, of 
Lowndes, and T. W. Stringer, of Warren. Of the 
one hundred and seven members of which the House 
was composed about thirty of them were colored 
men. It will thus be seen that out of the one hun- 
dred forty members of which the two Houses were 
composed only about thirty-four of them were col- 
ored men. But the colored members insisted that 
one of the three United States Senators to be 
elected should be a colored man. The white Re- 
publicans were willing that the colored men be 
given the fractional term of one year, since it 
was understood that Governor Alcorn was to be 
elected to the full term of six years and that Gov- 
ernor Ames was to be elected to the fractional term 
of five years. 

In this connection it may not be out of place to 
say that, ever since the organization of the Republi- 
can party in Mississippi, the white Republicans of 
that State, unlike some in a few of the other South- 
ern States, have never attempted to draw the color 
line against their colored allies. In this they have 
proved themselves to be genuine and not sham Re- 
publicans, — that is to say. Republicans from prin- 
ciple and conviction and not for plunder and spoils. 
They have never failed to recognize the fact that 
the fundamental principle of the Republican party, 



46 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

— the one that gave the party its strongest claim 
upon the confidence and support of the pubHc, — is 
its advocacy of equal civil and political rights. If 
that party should ever come to the conclusion that 
this principle should be abandoned, that moment it 
will merit, and I am sure it will receive, the con- 
demnation and repudiation of the public. 

It was not, therefore, a surprise to any one when 
the white Republican members of the Mississippi 
Legislature gave expression to their entire willing- 
ness to vote for a suitable colored man to represent 
the state of Mississippi in the highest and most dig- 
nified legislative tribunal in the world. The next 
step was to find the man. The name of the Rev. 
James Lynch was first suggested. That he was a 
suitable and fit man for the position could not be 
denied. But he had just been elected Secretary 
of State for a term of four years, and his election 
to the Senate would have created a vacancy in the 
former office which would have necessitated the 
holding of another State election and another elec- 
tion was what all wanted to avoid. For that reason 
his name was not seriously considered for the Sen- 
atorship. 

The next name suggested was that of the Rev. 
H. R. Revels and those who had been so fortunate 
as to hear the impressive prayer that he had deliv- 
ered on the opening of the Senate were outspoken 
in their advocacy of his selection. The white Re- 




HON. HIRAM R. REVELS. 

Tlie first colored man that occupied a seat in the 

U. S. Senate. From a photograph taken by Maj. 

Lynch at Natcliez, Miss., in 1S68. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 47 

publicans assured the colored members that if they 
would unite upon Revels, they were satisfied he 
would receive the vote of every white Republican 
member of the Legislature. Governor Alcorn also 
gave the movement his cordial and active support, 
thus insuring for Revels the support of the State 
administration. The colored members then held an 
informal conference, at which it was unanimously 
decided to present the name of Rev. H. R. Revels 
to the Republican Legislative Caucus as a candidate 
for United States Senator to fill the fractional term 
of one year. The choice w^as ratified by the caucus 
without serious opposition. Li the joint Legisla- 
tive session, every Republican member, white and 
colored, voted for the three Republican caucus nomi- 
nees for LTnited States Senators, — Alcorn, Ames 
and Revels, — with one exception, Senator William 
M. Hancock, of Lauderdale, who stated in explana- 
tion of his vote against Revels that as a lawyer he 
did not believe that a colored man was eligible to a 
seat in the United States Senate. But Judge Han- 
cock seems to have been the only lawyer in the 
Legislature, — or outside of it, as far as could be 
learned, — who entertained that opinion. 



CHAPTER IV 

IMPORTANT EDUCATIONAL AND POLITICAL MEAS- 
URES OF THE NEW LEGISLATURE 

In addition to the election of three United States 
Senators this Legislature had some very important 
work before it, as has already been stated in a pre- 
vious chapter. A new public school system had to be 
inaugurated and put in operation, thus necessitating 
the construction of schoolhouses throughout the 
State, some of them, especially in the towns and 
villages, to be quite large and of course expensive. 
All of the other public buildings and institutions in 
the State had to be repaired, some of them rebuilt, 
all of them having been neglected and some of them 
destroyed during the progress of the late War. In 
addition to this the entire State Government in all 
of its branches had to be reconstructed and so or- 
ganized as to place the same in perfect harmony 
with the new order of things. 

To accomplish these things money was required. 
There was none in the treasury. There was no 
cash available even to pay the ordinary expenses 
of the State government. Because of this lack of 
funds the government had to be carried on on a 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 49 

credit basis, — that is, by the issuing of notes or war- 
rants based upon the credit of the State. These 
notes were issued at par toi the creditors of the State 
in satisfaction of the obHgations. In turn they were 
disposed of at a discount to bankers and brokers 
by whom they were held until there should be suffi- 
cient cash in the treasury to redeem them, — such 
redemption usually occurring in from three to six 
months, though sometimes the period was longer. 
To raise the necessary money to put the new ma- 
chinery in successful operation one of two things 
had to be done: either the rate of taxation must be 
materially increased or interest bearing bonds must 
be issued and placed upon the market, thus increas- 
ing the bonded debt of the State. Although the 
fact was subsequently developed that a small mcrease 
in the bonded debt o^f the State could not very well 
be avoided, yet, after careful deliberation, the plan 
agreed upon was to materially increase the rate of 
taxation. • 

This proved to be so unpopular that it came near 
losing the Legislature to the Republicans at the 
elections of 1871. Although it was explained to 
the people that this increase was only temporary 
and that the rate of taxation would be reduced as 
soon as some of the schoolhouses had been built, 
and some of the public institutions had been re- 
paired, still this was not satisfactory to those by 
whom these taxes had to be paid. They insisted 



50 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

that some other plan ought to have been adopted, 
especially at that time. The War had just come 
to a close, leaving most of the people in an im- 
poverished condition. What was true of the pub- 
lic- institutions of the State was equally true of the 
private property of those who w^ere property own- 
ers at that time. Their property during the War 
had been neglected, and what had not been de- 
stroyed was in a state of decay. This was espe- 
cially true of those who had been the owners of 
large landed estates and of many slaves. Many 
of these people had been the acknowledged repre- 
sentatives of the wealth, the intelligence, the cul- 
ture, the refinement and the aristocracy of the 
South, — the ruling class in the church, in society 
and in State affairs. These were the men who had 
made and molded public opinion, who had controlled 
the pulpit and the press, who had shaped the destiny 
of the State; who had made and enforced the 
laws, — or at least such laws as they desired to 
have enforced, — and who had represented the 
State not only in the State Legislature but in both 
branches of the National Legislature at Washing- 
ton. Many of these proud sons, gallant fathers, 
cultured mothers and wives and refined and pol- 
ished daughters found themselves in a situation 
and in a condition that was pitiable in the extreme. 
It was not only a difficult matter for them to adjust 
themselves to the new order of things and to the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 51 

radically changed conditions, but no longer having 
slaves upon whom they could depend for every- 
thing, to raise the necessary money to prevent the 
decay, the dissipation and the ultimate loss or de- 
struction of their large landed estates was the seri- 
ous and difficult problem they had before them. 
To have the rate of taxation increased upon this 
property, especially at that particular time, was to 
them a very serious matter, — a matter which could 
not have any other effect than to intensify their 
bitterness and hostility towards the party in con- 
trol of the State Government. But since Governor 
Alcorn, under whose administration, and in accord- 
ance with whose recommendation this increase had 
been made, was a typical representative of this par- 
ticular class, it was believed and hoped that he 
would have sufficient influence with the people of 
his own class to stem the tide of resentment, and 
to calm their fears and apprehensions. That the 
Republicans retained control of the Legislature as 
a result of the elections of 1871, — though by only 
a small majority in the lower house, — is conclusive 
evidence that the Governor's efforts in that direc- 
tion were not wholly in vain. The argument made 
by the taxpayers, however, was plausible and it 
may be conceded that, upon the whole, they were 
about right ; for no doubt it would have been much 
easier upon the taxpayers to have increased at that 
time the interest-bearing debt of the State than 



52 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

to have increased the tax rate. The latter course, 
however, had been adopted and could not then be 
changed. 

Governor Alcorn also recommended, — • a recom- 
mendation that was favorably considered by the 
Legislature, — that there be created and supported 
by the State a college for the higher education of 
the colored boys and young men of the State. This 
bill was promptly passed by the Legislature, and, 
in honor of the one by whom its creation was rec- 
ommended the institution was named " Alcorn Col- 
lege." The presidency of this much-needed col- 
lege was an honorable and dignified position tO' 
which a fair and reasonable salary was attached, so 
the Governor, who had the appointing power, de- 
cided to tender the office to Senator H. R. Revels 
upon the expiration of his term in the Senate. I 
had the honor of being named as one of the first 
trustees of this important institution. After the 
Governor, the trustees and Senator Revels had 
carefully inspected many different places that had 
been suggested for the location of the institution, 
Oakland College near the town of Rodney in Clai- 
borne County, was finally purchased, and Alcorn 
College was established, with Senator Revels as 
its first president. 

As an evidence of the necessity for such an in- 
stitution it will not be out of place to call attention 
to the fact that when the writer was first elected 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 53 

to Congress in 1872, there was not one young col- 
ored man in the State that could pass the neces- 
sary examination for a clerkship in any of the 
Departments at Washington. Four years later the 
supply was greater than the demand, nearly all of 
the applicants being graduates of Alcorn College. 
At this writing the institution is still being main- 
tained by the State, although on a reduced appropri- 
ation and on a plan that is somewhat different from 
that which was inaugurated at its beginning and 
while the Republicans were in control of the State 
government. One of the reasons, no doubt, why 
it is supported by a Democratic administration, is 
that the State might otherwise forfeit and lose the 
aid it now receives from the National Government 
for the support of agricultural institutions. But, 
aside from this, there are very many liberal, fair- 
minded and influential Democrats in the State who 
are strongly in favor of having the State provide 
for the liberal education of both races. 

The knowledge I had acquired of parliamentary 
law not only enabled me to take a leading part in 
the deliberations of the Legislature, but it resulted 
in my being made Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives that was elected in 1871. Shortly after 
the adjournment of the first session of the Legis- 
lature, the Speaker of the House, Hon. F. E. Frank- 
lin, of Yazoo County, died. When the Legislature 
reassembled the first Monday in January, 1871, 



54 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Hon. H. W. Warren, of Leake County, was made 
Speaker of the House. In addition to the vacancy 
from Yazoo, created by the death of Speaker 
Franklin, one had also occurred from Lowndes 
County, which was one of the safe and sure Re- 
publican counties. Through apathy, indifference 
and overconfidence, the Democratic candidate, Dr. 
Landrum, was elected to fill this vacancy. It was 
a strange and novel sight to see a Democratic mem- 
ber of the Legislature from the rock-ribbed Re- 
publican county of Lowndes. It was no doubt a 
source of considerable embarrassment even to Dr. 
Landrum himself, for he was looked upon by all 
as a marvel and a curiosity. When he got up to 
deliver his maiden speech a few days after he was 
sworn in, he was visibly and perceptibly afifected, 
for every eye was firmly and intently fixed upon 
him. Every one seemed to think that the man that 
could be elected to a seat in the Legislature from 
Lowndes County as a Democrat, must be endowed 
with some strange and hidden power through the 
exercise of which he could direct the movements 
and control the actions of those who might be 
brought in contact with him or subjected to his 
hypnotic influence ; hence the anxiety and curiosity 
to hear the maiden speech of this strange and re- 
markable man. The voice in the House of a Demo- 
crat from the county of Lowndes was of so strange, 
so sudden, so unexpected and so remarkable that 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 55 

it was difficult for many to bring themselves to a 
realization of the fact that such a thing had actu- 
ally happened and that it was a living reality. To 
the curious, the speech was a disappointment, al- 
though it was a plain, calm, conservative and con- 
vincing statement of the new member's position 
upon public questions. To the great amusement of 
those who heard him he related some of his experi- 
ences while he was engaged in canvassing the 
county. But the speech revealed the fact that, 
after all, he was nothing more than an ordinary 
man. No one was impressed by any word or sen- 
tence that had fallen from his lips that there was 
anything about him that was strange, impressive 
or unusual, and all decided that his election was 
purely accidental; for it was no more surprising 
than was the election of a colored Republican, Hon. 
J. M. Wilson, to the same Legislature the year be- 
fore, from the reliable Democratic county of 
Marion. 

There was not much to be done at the second 
session of the Legislature outside of passing the 
annual appropriation bills; hence the session was a 
short one. Although Governor Alcorn's term as a 
United States Senator commenced March 4, 1871, 
he did not vacate the office of Governor until the 
meeting of Congress, the first Monday in the fol- 
lowing December. A new Legislature and all 
county officers were to be elected in November of 



56 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

that year. It was to be the first hnportant elec- 
tion since the inauguration of the Alcorn adminis- 
tration. The Governor decided to remain where 
he could assume entire responsibility for what had 
been done and where he could answer, officially and 
otherwise, all charges and accusations and criti- 
cisms that might be made against his administra- 
tion and his official acts. The Republican majority 
in the State Senate was so large that the holdover 
Senators made it well nigh impossible for the 
Democrats to secure a majority of that body, but 
the principal fight was to be made for control of 
the House. As already stated the heavy increase 
in taxation proved to be very unpopular and this 
gave the Democrats a decided advantage. They 
made a strong and bitter fight to gain control of the 
House, and nearly succeeded. 

When every county had been heard from it was 
found that out of the one hundred fifteen members 
of which the House was composed, the Republi- 
cans had elected sixty-six members and the Demo- 
crats, forty-nine. Of the sixty-six that had been 
elected as Republicans, two, — Messrs. Armstead 
and Streeter, — had been elected from Carroll 
County on an independent ticket. They classed 
themselves poHtically as Independent or Alcorn Re- 
publicans. Carroll was the only doubtful county 
in the State that the Democrats failed to carry. 
The Independent ticket in that county, which was 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 57 

supported by an influential faction of Democrats, 
was brought out with the understanding and agree- 
ment that it would receive the support of the Re- 
publican organization. This support was given, 
but upon a pledge that the candidates for the Leg- 
islature, if elected, should not enter the Democratic 
caucus, nor vote for the candidates thereof in the 
organization of the House. These conditions were 
accepted, which resulted in the ticket being sup- 
ported by the Republicans and, consequently 
elected. All the other doubtful and close counties 
went Democratic, which resulted in the defeat of 
some of the strongest and most influential men in 
the Republican party, including Speaker Warren 
of Leake County, Lucas and Boyd of Altala, Un- 
derwood of Chickasaw, Avery of Tallahatchie, and 
many others. Notwithstanding these reverses, the 
Republicans sent a number of able men to the 
House, among whom may be mentioned French of 
Adams, Howe and Pyles of Panola, Fisher of 
Hinds, Chandler and Davis of Noxubee, Huggins 
of Monroe, Stone and Spelman of Madison, Bar- 
rett of Amite, Sullivan and Gayles of Bolivar, Ev- 
erett and Dixon of Yazoo, Griggs and Houston of 
Issaquina, and many others. In point of experi- 
ence and ability this Legislature was the equal of 
its immediate predecessor. 



CHAPTER V 

THE CONTEST FOR SPEAKER OF THE MISSISSIPPI 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

The elections being over, and a Republican ma- 
jority in both branches of the Legislature being 
assured, Governor Alcorn was then prepared to 
vacate the ofifice of Governor, to turn over the 
administration of State affairs to Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Powers and to proceed to Washington so as 
to be present at the opening session of Congress on 
the first Monday in December when he would as- 
sume his duties as a United States Senator. 

The Legislature was to meet the first Monday 
in the following January, — 1872. As soon as the 
fact was made known that the Republicans would 
control the organization of the House, the Speak- 
ership of that body began to be agitated. If 
Speaker Warren had been reelected he would have 
received the Republican caucus nomination without 
opposition, but his defeat made it necessary for a 
new man to be brought forward for that position. 
A movement was immediately put on foot to make 
me the Speaker of the House. 

Upon a careful examination of the returns it 
S8 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 59 

was found that of the one hundred fifteen mem- 
bers of which the House was composed there were 
seventy-seven whites and thirty-eight colored. Of 
the seventy-seven whites, forty-nine had been 
elected as Democrats and twenty-eight as Republi- 
cans. The thirty-eight colored men were all Re- 
publicans. It will thus be seen that, while in the 
composition of the Republican caucus there were 
ten more colored than white members, yet of the 
total membership of the House there were thirty- 
nine more white than colored members. But in the 
organization of the House, the contest was not be- 
tween white and colored, but between Democrats 
and Republicans. /^N'o one had been elected, — at 
least on the Republican side, — because he was a 
white man or because he was a colored man, but 
because he was a Republican. '''After a preliminary 
canvass the fact was developed that the writer was 
not only the choice of the colored members for 
Speaker of the House, but of a large majority of 
the white Republican members as well. They be- 
lieved, — and voted in accordance with that belief 
both in the party caucus and in the House, — that 
the writer was the best-equipped man for that re- 
sponsible position. This fact had been demon- 
strated to their satisfaction during the two sessions 
of the preceding Legislature. 

The nomination of the writer by the House Re- 
publican caucus for Speaker was a foregone con- 



6o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

elusion several weeks before the convening of the 
Legislature. With a full membership in attendance 
fifty-eight votes would be necessary to perfect 
the organization. When the Republican caucus 
convened sixty members were present and took 
part in the deliberations thereof. Four of the Re- 
publicans-elect had not at that time arrived at the 
seat of government. The two Independents from 
Carroll refused to attend the caucus, but this did 
not necessarily mean that they would not vote for 
the candidates thereof in the organization of the 
House. But since we had sixty votes, — two more 
than were necessary to elect our candidate, — we be- 
lieved that the organization would be easily per- 
fected the next day, regardless of the action of the 
members from Carroll County. 

In this, however, we were sadly disappointed. 
The result of the first vote for Speaker of the 
House was as follows : 

Lynch, Republican caucus nominee. . 55 

Streeter, Democratic nominee 47 

Chandler, Independent Republican . . 7 

Armstead, Independent Republican . . i 

Howe, Regular Republican i 

Necessary to elect 56 

Judge Chandler of Noxubee, who had been elected 
as a regular Republican with four other white Re- 
publicans, — all of whom attended and took part in 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 6i 

the caucus the night before, — refused to vote for the 
nominee of the caucus for Speaker but voted in- 
stead for Chandler. It will be seen that the vote 
for Streeter, the Democratic caucus nominee, was 
two less than that party's strength ; thus showing 
that two Democrats must have also voted for 
Chandler. It will also be seen that if every vote 
that was not received by Lynch had been given to 
Chandler or to any other man, that man would 
have received the required number of votes and 
would have been elected. The Democrats stood 
ready to give their solid vote to any one of the 
Independents whenever it could be shown that their 
votes would result in an election. But it so hap- 
pened that Chandler and Armstead were both am- 
bitious to be Speaker and neither would give way 
for the other, which, of course, made the election 
of either impossible. ' The one vote cast for Howe 
was no doubt Mr. Armstead's vote, while the one 
vote for Armstead was no doubt cast by his col- 
league. In the nomination of Hon. H. M. Streeter, 
the Democrats selected their strongest man, and 
the best parliamentarian on their side of the House. 
The refusal of the so-called Independents to vote 
for the Republican caucus nominee for Speaker 
produced a deadlock which continued for a period 
of several days. At no time could any one of the 
regular Republicans be induced under any circum- 
stances to vote for any one of the Independents. 



62 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

They would much rather have the House organized 
by the Democrats than allow party treachery to be 
thus rewarded. 

While the deadlock was in progress, Senators 
Alcorn and Ames suddenly made their appear- 
ance upon the scene of action. They had made 
the trip from Washington to use their influence to 
break the deadlock, and to bring about an organi- 
zation of the House by the Republican party. But 
Senator Alcorn was the one that could render the 
most effective service in that direction, since the 
bolters were men who professed to be followers of 
his and loyal to his political interests and leader- 
ship. 

As soon as the Senator arrived he held a con- 
ference with the bolters, including Messrs. Arm- 
stead and Streeter, — the two independents from 
Carroll. In addressing those who had been elected 
as Republicans and who had attended and partici- 
pated in the caucus of that party, the Senator did 
not mince his words. He told them in plain lan- 
guage that they were in honor bound to support 
the caucus nominees of their party, or that they 
must resign their seats and allow their constituents 
to elect others that would do so. With reference 
to the Independents from Carroll, he said the 
situation was slightly different. They had been 
elected as Independents under conditions which did 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 63 

not obligate them to enter the Republican caucus 
or support the candidates thereof. They had 
pledged themselves not to support the Democratic 
caucus nominees, nor to aid that party in the or- 
ganization of the House. Up to that time they 
had not made a move, nor given a vote that could 
be construed into a violation of the pledge under 
which they had been elected, but they had publicly 
declared on several occasions that they had been 
elected as Independents or Alcorn Republicans. In 
other words, they had been elected as friends and 
supporters of the Alcorn administration, and of that 
type of Republicanism for which he stood and of 
which he was the representative. If this were true 
then they should not hesitate to take the advice of 
the man to support whose administration they had 
been elected. He informed them that if they 
meant what they said the best way for them to 
prove it was to vote for the Republican caucus 
nominees for officers of the House, because he was 
the recognized leader of the party in the State and 
that the issue involved in the elections was either 
an endorsement or repudiation of his administra- 
tion as Governor. Republican success under such 
circumstances meant an endorsement of his admin- 
istration, while Republican defeat would mean its 
repudiation. The most effective way, then, in 
which they could make good their ante-election 



64 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

pledges and promises was to vote for the candi- 
dates of the RepubHcan caucus for officers of the 
House. 

The two Carroll County Independents informed 
the Senator that he had correctly outlined their po- 
sition and their attitude, and that it was their pur- 
pose and their determination to give a loyal and 
effective support, so far as the same was in their 
power, to the policies and principles for which he 
stood and of which he was the accredited repre- 
sentative; but that they were apprehensive that 
they could not successfully defend their action and 
explain their votes to the satisfaction of their con- 
stituents if they were to vote for a colored man 
for Speaker of the House. 

" But," said the Senator, " could you have been 
elected without the votes of colored men? If you 
now vote against a colored man, — who is in every 
way a fit and capable man for the position, — sim- 
ply because he is a colored man, would you expect 
those men to support you in the future? " 

The Senator also reminded them that they had 
received very many more colored than white votes ; 
and that, in his opinion, very few of the white men 
who had supported them would find fault with them 
for voting for a capable and intelligent colored 
man to preside over the deliberations of the House. 

" Can you then," the Senator asked, " afford to 
offend the great mass of colored men that sup- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 65 

ported you in order to please an insignificantly 
small number of narrow-minded whites ? " 

The Senator assured them that he was satisfied 
they had nothing to fear as a result of their action 
in voting for Mr. Lynch as Speaker of the House. 
He knew the candidate favorably and well and 
therefore did not hesitate to assure them that if 
they contributed to his election they would have no 
occasion to regret having done so. The confer- 
ence then came to a close with the understanding 
that all present would vote the next day for the 
Republican caucus nominees for officers of the 
House. This was done. The result of the ballot 
the following day was as follows : 

Lynch, Republican caucus nominee, . 63 
Chandler, Independent Republican, . . 49 
Necessary to elect 57 

It will be seen that Judge Chandler received the 
solid Democratic vote while Lynch received the 
vote of every voting Republican present, including 
Chandler and the two Independents from Carroll, 
— three Republicans still being absent and not 
paired. By substantially the same vote ex- 
Speaker Warren, of Leake County, was elected 
Chief Clerk, and Ex-Representative Hill, of Mar- 
shall County, was elected Sergeant-at-arms. The 
Legislature was then organized and was ready to 
proceed to business. 



66 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

At the conclusion of the session, the House not 
only adopted a resolution complimenting the 
Speaker and thanking him for the able and impar- 
tial manner in which he had presided over its de- 
liberations, but presented him with a fine gold 
watch and chain, — purchased with money that had 
been contributed by members of both parties and by 
a few outside friends, — as a token of their esteem 
and appreciation of him as a presiding officer. On 
the outside case of the watch these words were en- 
graved : *' Presented to Hon. J. R. Lynch, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, by the 
Members of the Legislature, April 19, 1873." That 
watch the writer still has and will keep as a sacred 
family heirloom. 

A good deal of work was to be done by this 
Legislature. The seats of a number of Democrats 
were contested. But the decision in many cases 
was in favor of the sitting members. The changes, 
however, were sufficient to materially increase the 
Republican majority. 

Among the important bills to be passed was one 
to divide the State into six Congressional Districts. 
The apportionment of Representatives in Congress, 
under the Apportionment Act which had recently 
passed Congress, increased the number of Repre- 
sentatives from Mississippi, which had formerly 
been five, to six. Republican leaders in both 
branches of the Legislature decided that the duty of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 67 

drawing up a bill apportioning the State into Con- 
gressional Districts should devolve upon the Speaker 
of the House, with the understanding that the party 
organization w^ould support the bill drawn by 
him. 

I accepted the responsibility, and immediately 
proceeded with the work of drafting a bill for that 
purpose. Two plans had been discussed, each of 
which had strong supporters and advocates. One 
plan was so to apportion the State as to make all 
of the districts Republican ; but in doing so the ma- 
jority in at least two of the districts would be quite 
small. The other was so to apportion the State 
as to make five districts safely and reliably Re- 
publican and the remaining one Democratic. I had 
not taken a decided stand for or against either plan. 
Perhaps that was one reason why the advocates of 
both plans agreed to refer the matter to me for a 
final decision. 

The Democrats heard what had been done. One 
of them, Hon. F. 'M. Goar, of Lee County, called 
to see me so as to talk over the matter. He ex- 
pressed the hope that in drawing up the bill, one 
district would be conceded to the Democrats. 

" H this is done," he said, " I assume that the 
group of counties located in the northeastern part 
of the State will be the Democratic district. In 
that event we will send a ver\^ strong and able man 
to Congress in the person of Hon. L. O. C. Lamar." 



68 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

I had every reason to believe that if Mr. Lamar 
were sent to Congress he would reflect credit 
upon himself, his party, and his State. I promised 
to give the suggestion earnest and perhaps favor- 
able consideration. After going over the matter 
carefully I came to the conclusion that the bet- 
ter and safer plan would be to make five safe 
and sure Republican districts and concede one to 
the Democrats. Another reason for this deci- 
sion was that in so doing, the State could be more 
fairly apportioned. The Republican counties 
could be easily made contiguous and the population 
in each district could be made as nearly equal as 
possible. The apportionment could not have been 
so fairly and equitably made if the other plan had 
been adopted. 

After the bill had been completed, it was sub- 
mitted to a joint caucus of the Republican members 
of the two Houses, and after a brief explanation 
by me of its provisions it was accepted and ap- 
proved by the unanimous vote of the caucus. 
When it was brought before the house, a majority 
of the Democratic members, — under the leadership 
of Messrs. Streeter, Roane and Mcintosh, — fought 
it very bitterly. They contended that the Demo- 
crats should have at least two of the six Congress- 
men and that an apportionment could have been 
made and should have been made with that end 
in view. The truth was that several of those who 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 69 

made such a stubborn fight against the bill had 
Congressional aspirations themselves and, of 
course, they did not fail to see that as drawn the 
bill did not hold out flattering hopes for the grati- 
fication of that ambition. But it was all that Mr. 
Goar and a few others that he had taken into his 
confidence expected, or had any right to expect. 
In fact, the one Democratic district, constructed 
in accordance with their wishes, was just about what 
they wanted. While they voted against the bill, — 
merely to be in accord wdth their party associates, 
— they insisted that there should be no filibuster- 
ing or other dilatory methods adopted to defeat it. 
After a hard and stubborn fight, and after several 
days of exciting debate, the bill was finally passed 
by a strict party vote. A few days later it passed 
the Senate without amendment, was signed by the 
Governor, and became a law. 

As had been predicted by Mr. Goar, Hon, 
L. Q. C. Lamar was nominated by the Democrats 
for Congress in the first district, which was the 
Democratic district. The Republicans nominated 
against him a very strong and able man, the Hon. 
R. W. Flournoy, who had served with Mr. Lamar 
as a member of the Secession Convention of i86r. 
He made an aggressive and brilliant canvass of the 
district, but the election of Mr. Lamar was a fore- 
gone conclusion, since the Democratic majority in 
the district was very large. 



CHAPTER VI 

FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE 
STATE ELECTION OF 1 873. RE- 
PUBLICAN VICTORY 

An important election was to be held in Missis- 
sippi in 1873, at which State, district, and county 
officers, as well as members of the Legislature, were 
to be elected. The tenure of office for the State 
and county officers was four years. 1873, there- 
fore, was the year in which the successors of those 
that had held office since 1869 had to be elected. 

The legislature to be elected that year would 
elect the successor of Senator Ames as United 
States Senator. Senator Ames was the candidate 
named to succeed himself. For some unaccounta- 
ble reason there had been a falling out between 
Senator Alcorn and himself, for which reason 
Senator Alcorn decided to use his influence to pre- 
vent the reelection of Senator Ames. This meant 
that there would be a bitter factional fight in the 
party, because both Senators were popular with 
the rank and file of the party. 

The fact was soon developed, however, that the 
people favored the return of Senator Ames to the 

70 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 71 

Senate. This did not necessarily mean opposition 
or unfriendliness to Senator Alcorn. It simply 
meant that both were to be treated fairly and justly, 
and that each was to stand upon his own record 
and merits, regardless of their personal differences. 

If Senator Alcorn had been in Senator Ames' 
place the probabilities are that the sentiment of the 
party would have been just as strongly in his favor 
as it was at that time in favor of Ames. But on 
this occasion Senator Alcorn made the mistake of 
making opposition to Senator Ames the test of 
loyalty to himself. In this he was not supported 
even by many of his warmest personal and political 
friends. In consequence of the bitter fight that 
was to be made by Senator Alcorn to prevent the 
return of Senator Ames to the Senate, many of 
Senator Ames' friends advised him to become a 
candidate for the office of Governor, In that way, 
it was believed, he could command the situation, 
and thus make sure his election to succeed himself 
as Senator; otherwise it might be doubtful. 

But this involved two important points which 
had to be carefully considered. First, it involved 
the retirement of Governor Powers, who was a 
candidate to succeed himself. Second, the candi- 
date for Lieutenant-Governor would have to be 
selected with great care, since if that program were 
carried out he would be, in point of fact, the Gov- 
ernor of the State for practically the whole term. 



72 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

After going over the situation very carefully with 
his friends and supporters Senator Ames decided 
to become a candidate for Governor, public an- 
nouncement of which decision was duly made. 
This announcement seemed to have increased the 
intensity of Senator Alcorn's opposition to Sena- 
tor Ames, for the former did not hesitate to de- 
clare that in the event of Ames' nomination for 
Governor by the regular party convention he would 
bolt the action of the convention, and make the race 
for Governor as an independent candidate. This 
declaration, however, made no impression upon the 
friends and supporters of Ames, and evidently had 
very little effect upon the rank and file of the party ; 
for the fact became apparent shortly after the an- 
nouncement of the candidacy of Ames that his 
nomination was a foregone conclusion. In fact. 
Senator Ames had such a strong hold upon the 
rank and file of the party throughout the State 
that when the convention met there was practically 
no opposition to his nomination. The friends and 
supporters of Governor Powers realized early in 
the campaign the hopelessness of the situation, so 
far as he was concerned, and therefore made no 
serious effort in his behalf. 

What gave the Ames managers more concern 
than anything else was the selection of a suitable 
man for Lieutenant-Governor, Many of the 
colored delegates insisted that three of the seven 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 73 

men to be nominated should be of that race. The 
offices they insisted on filling were those of 
Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and Su- 
perintendent of Education. Since the colored men 
had been particularly loyal and faithful to Senator 
Ames it was not deemed wise to ignore their de- 
mands. But the question was. Where is there a 
colored man possessing the qualifications neces- 
sary to one in charge of the executive department 
of the state? 

After going over the field very carefully it was 
decided that there was just one man possessing 
the necessary qualifications, — B. K. Bruce, of 
Bolivar County. He, it was decided, was just the 
man for the place, and to him the nomination was 
to be tendered. A committee was appointed to 
wait on Mr. Bruce and inform him of the action 
of the conference, and urge him to consent to the 
use of his name. But Mr. Bruce positively de- 
clined. He could not be induced under any cir- 
cumstances to change his mind. He was fixed in 
his determination not to allow his name to be used 
for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, and from 
that determination he could not be moved. 

Mr. Bruce's unexpected attitude necessitated a 
radical change in the entire program. It had been 
agreed that the Lieutenant-Governorship should go 
to a colored man, but after Bruce's declination 
the Ames managers were obliged to take one of 



74 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

two men, — H. C. Carter, or A. K. Davis. Davis 
w^as the more acceptable of the two; but neither, 
it was thought, was a fit and suitable man to be 
placed at the head of the executive department of 
the State. After again going over the field, and 
after canvassing the situation very carefully, it was 
decided that Ames would not be a candidate to suc- 
ceed himself as United States Senator, but that he 
would be a candidate to succeed Senator Alcorn. 
This decision, in all probability, would not have 
been made if Alcorn had been willing to abide by 
the decision of the convention. But, since he an- 
nounced his determination to bolt the nomination 
of his party for Governor and run as an Inde- 
pendent candidate, it was decided that he had for- 
feited any claim he otherwise would have had upon 
the party to succeed himself in the Senate. Sena- 
tor Alcorn's term would expire March 4, 1877. 
His successor would be elected by the Legislature 
that would be chosen in November, 1875. If Ames 
should be elected to the Governorship his successor 
in that office would be elected in November, 1877. 
In the event of his election to the Senate to succeed 
Senator Alcorn, his term as Senator would com- 
mence March 4, 1877, yet he could remain in the 
office of Governor until the meeting of Congress 
the following December, thus practically serving 
out the full term as Governor. 

With that plan mapped out and agreed upon, 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 75 

and the party leaders committed to its support, 
Davis was allowed to be nominated for the office 
of Lieutenant-Governor. Two other colored men 
were also placed upon the State ticket, — James 
Hill, for Secretary of State, and T. W. Cardozo, 
for State Superintendent of Education. While 
Davis had made quite a creditable record as a mem- 
ber of the Legislature, it could not be said that his 
name added strength to the ticket. Hill, on the 
other hand, was young, active, and aggressive, and 
considerably above the average colored man in 
point of intelligence at that time. His nomina- 
tion was favorably received, because it was gener- 
ally believed that, if elected, he would discharge 
the duties of the office in a way that would reflect 
credit upon himself and give satisfaction to the 
public. In point of education and experience 
Cardozo was admitted to be entirely capable of fill- 
ing the office of Superintendent of Education ; but 
he was not well known outside of his own county, 
Warren. In fact his nomination was largely a 
concession to that strong Republican county. 

The three white men nominated, — besides the 
candidate for Governor, — were, W. H. Gibbs, for 
Auditor of Public Accounts; Geo. E. Harris, for 
Attorney-General, and Geo. H. Holland, for State 
Treasurer. Gibbs had been a member of the Con- 
stitutional Convention of 1868, and subsequently 
a member of the State Senate. Holland had 



76 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

served as a member of the Legislature from Oktib- 
beha County. Harris had been a member of Con- 
gress from the Second (Holly Springs) District, 
having been defeated for the nomination in 1872 by 
A. R. Howe, of Panola County. While the ticket, 
as a whole, was not a weak one, its principal strength 
was in its head, — the candidate for Governor. 

Shortly after the adjournment of the conven- 
tion Senator Alcorn had another convention 
called which nominated a ticket, composed exclu- 
sively of Republicans, with himself at its head for 
Governor. The Democrats at their convention en- 
dorsed the Alcorn ticket. While it would seem 
that this action on the part of the Democrats ought 
to have increased xMcorn's chances of success, it 
appears to have been a contributory cause of his 
defeat. Thousands of Republicans who were in 
sympathy with the movement, and who would have 
otherwise voted the Alcorn ticket, refused to do so 
for the reason that if it had been elected the Demo- 
crats could have claimed a victory for their party. 
On the other hand, both tickets being composed 
exclusively of Republicans, thousands of Demo- 
crats refused to vote for either, while some of them 
voted the Ames ticket. At any rate the election 
resulted in the success of the Ames ticket by a 
majority of more than twenty thousand. The reg- 
ular Republicans also had a large majority in both 
branches of the Legislature. 




HON. i:. K. I'.KITE 
riiili-.i Stale- Sciiatcir. 1S7.')-1SS1 



CHAPTER VII 

MISSISSIPPI SENDS B. K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED 
STATES SENATE 

As soon as the result of the election was known, 
the candidacy of B. K. Bruce, for United States 
Senator to succeed Senator Ames, was announced. 
Ames' term as Governor was to commence the first 
Monday in January, 1874. His term as Senator 
would expire March 4, 1875. Upon assuming the 
duties of Governor he had been obliged to tender 
his resignation as Senator; thus it devolved upon 
the incoming legislature to elect a Senator to serve 
out the unexpired term, as well as for the full term 
of six years. Bruce's candidacy was for the full 
term. 

The secret of Mr. Bruce's positive refusal to 
allow his name to be used for the Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernorship, which would have resulted in making 
him Governor, was now revealed. He had had the 
Senatorship in mind at the time, but, of course, no 
allusion was made to that fact. As between the 
Senatorship and the Governorship he chose the 
former, which proved to be a wise decision, in view 
of subsequent events. It was soon developed that 

17 



78 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

he was the choice of a large majority of the Re- 
pubHcan members of the Legislature, white as well 
as colored. His nomination by the party caucus, 
therefore, was a foregone conclusion. Before the 
legislature met, it had been practically settled that 
Mr. Bruce should be sent to the Senate for the long 
term and Ex-Superintendant of Education, H. R. 
Pease, should be elected to serve out the unex- 
pired term of Governor-elect Ames. 

This slate was approved by the joint legislative 
caucus without a hitch and the candidates thus nom- 
inated were duly elected by the Legislature, — not 
only by the solid Republican vote of that body, but 
the additional vote of State Senator Hiram Cassidy, 
Jr., who had been elected as a Democrat. 

Senator Alcorn's keen disappointment and cha- 
grin at the outcome of his fight with Governor 
Ames was manifested when Senator Bruce made his 
appearance to be sworn in as a Senator. It was 
presumed that Senator Alcorn, in accordance with 
the uniform custom on such occasions, would es- 
cort his colleague to the desk of the President of the 
Senate to be sworn in. This Senator Alcorn re- 
fused to do. When Mr. Bruce's name was called 
Senator Alcorn did not move; he remained in his 
seat, apparently giving his attention to his private 
correspondence. Mr. Bruce, somewhat nervous 
and slightly excited, started to the President's desk 
unattended. Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 79 

York, who was sitting near by, immediately rose 
and extended his arm to Mr. Bruce and escorted him 
to the President's desk, standing by the new Sena- 
tor's side until the oath had been administered, and 
then tendering him his hearty congratulations, in 
which all the other Republican Senators, except 
Senator Alcorn, subsequently joined. 

This gracious act on the part of the New York 
Senator made for him a lifelong friend and ad- 
mirer in the person of Senator Bruce. This 
friendship was so strong that Senator Bruce named 
his first and only son Roscoe Conkling, in honor 
of the able, distinguished, and gallant Senator from 
New York. 

Senator Alcorn's action in this matter was the 
occasion of considerable unfavorable criticism and 
comment, some of his critics going so far as to 
intimate that his action was due to the fact that 
Mr. Bruce was a colored man. But, from my 
knowledge of the man and of the circumstances 
connected with the case, I am satisfied this was not 
true. His antipathy to Mr. Bruce grew out of the 
fact that Mr. Bruce had opposed him and had sup- 
ported Ames in the fight for Governor in 1873. 
So far as I have been able to learn, I am the only 
one of the Senator's friends and admirers who op- 
posed his course in that contest that he ever for- 
gave. He, no doubt, felt that I was under less 
personal obligations to him than many others who 



8o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

pursued the same course that I did, since he had 
never rendered me any effective personal or poHti- 
cal service, except when he brought the Independent 
members of the House in line for me in the contest 
for Speaker of that body in 1872; and even then 
his action was not so much a matter of personal 
friendship for me as it was in the interest of secur- 
ing an endorsement of his own administration as 
Governor. 

In Mr. Bruce's case he took an entirely different 
view of the matter. He believed that he had been 
the making of Mr. Bruce. Mr. Bruce had come 
to the State in 1869 and had taken an active part 
in the campaign of that year. When the Legisla- 
ture was organized it was largely through the in- 
fluence of Governor Alcorn that he was elected Ser- 
geant-at-arms of the State Senate. When the Leg- 
islature adjourned Governor Alcorn sent Bruce to 
Bolivar county as County Assessor. Bruce dis- 
charged the duties of that office in such a creditable 
and satisfactory manner that he was elected in 
1871 Sheriff and Tax Collector of that important 
and wealthy county, the most responsible and lucra- 
tive office in the gift of the people of the county. 
He was holding that office when elected to the 
United States Senate. Senator Alcorn felt, there- 
fore, that in taking sides against him and in favor 
of Ames in 1873 Mr. Bruce was guilty of gross in- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 8i 

gratitude. This accounted for his action in refus- 
ing to escort Mr. Bruce to the President's desk to 
be sworn in as Senator. In this belief, however, 
he did Mr. Bruce a grave injustice, for I know that 
gratitude was one of Mr. Bruce's principal charac- 
teristics. 

If Senator Alcorn had been a candidate from 
the start for the Republican nomination for Gov- 
ernor, Mr. Bruce, I am sure, would have supported 
him even as against Senator Ames. But it was 
known that the Senator had no ambition to be 
Governor. His sole purpose was to defeat Sena- 
tor Ames at any cost, and that, too, on account of 
matters that were purely personal and that had no 
connection with party or political affairs. Mr. 
Bruce, like very many other friends and admirers 
of the Senator, simply refused to follow him in 
open rebellion against his own party. I am satis- 
fied, however, that Mr. Bruce's race identity did 
not influence the action of Senator Alcorn in the 
slightest degree. As further evidence of that fact, 
his position and action in the Pinchback case may 
be mentioned. He spoke and voted for the admis- 
sion of Mr. Pinchback to a seat in the Senate when 
such a staunch Republican as Senator Edmunds, 
of Vermont, opposed and voted against admission. 
In spite of Senator Alcorn's political defeat and 
humiliation in his own State, he remained true 



82 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

and loyal to the National Republican party to the 
end of his Senatorial term, which terminated with 
the beginning of the Hayes Administration. Up 
to that time he had strong hopes of the future of 
the Republican party at the South. 



CHAPTER VIII 

IMPROVED FINANCIAL CONDITION OF MISSISSIPPI 
UNDER THE AMES ADMINISTRATION 

/The administrations of Governor Alcorn and of 
Governor Ames, the two RepubHcan Governors, 
who were products of Reconstruction, — both hav- 
ing been elected chiefly by the votes of colored men, 
— were among the best with which that State was 
ever blessed, the generally accepted impression to 
the contrary notwithstanding/ In 1869 Alcorn was 
elected to serve for a term of four years. Ames 
was elected to serve the succeeding term. Alcorn 
was one of the old citizens of the State, and was 
therefore thoroughly identified with its business, in- 
dustrial, and social interests. He had been one 
of the large and wealthy landowners and slave- 
owners, and therefore belonged to that small but 
select and influential class known as Southern aris- 
tocrats. 

Alcorn had taken an active and prominent part 
in public matters since his early manhood. Before 
the War of the Rebellion he had served several 
terms as a member of the Legislature. He repre- 
sented his county, Coahoma, in the Secession Con- 

83 



84 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

vention of 1861. He was bitterly opposed to Se- 
cession and fought it bravely; but when he found 
himself in a hopeless minority he gracefully ac- 
quiesced in the decision of the majority and signed 
the ordinance of Secession. He also joined the 
Confederate Army and took an active part in rais- 
ing troops for the same. He was made brigadier- 
general, and had command of the Confederate 
forces in Mississippi for a good while. But, since 
the President of the Confederacy did not seem to be 
particularly partial to him, he was not allowed to 
see very much field service. 

When the war was over he took an active part 
in the work of rehabilitation and Reconstruction. 
He strongly supported the Andrew Johnson plan 
of Reconstruction, and by the Legislature that was 
elected under that plan he was chosen one of the 
United States Senators, but was not admitted to 
the seat to which he had been elected. When the 
Johnson plan of Reconstruction was repudiated and 
rejected by the voters of the Northern States, and 
when what was known as the Congressional Plan 
of Reconstruction was endorsed and approved, Al- 
corn decided that further opposition to that plan 
was useless and unwise, and he publicly advised 
acceptance of it. His advice having been rejected 
by the Democrats, nothing remained for him to do 
but to join the Republican party, which he did in 
the early part of 1869. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 85 

Since he was known to be a strong, able and in- 
fluential man, — one who possessed the respect and 
confidence of the white people of the State regard- 
less of party differences, — he was tendered the Re- 
publican nomination for the Governorship at the 
election that was to be held the latter part of that 
year. He accepted the nomination and was duly 
elected. He discharged the duties of the office in 
an able, creditable and satisfactory manner. The 
only point upon which the administration was at 
all subject to unfavorable criticism was the high 
rate of taxation to which the people were subjected 
for the support of the State Government; but the 
reader will see that this could hardly have been 
avoided at that particular time. In his message 
to the Legislature in January, 1910, Governor E. 
F. Noel accurately stated the principle by which an 
administration is necessarily governed in raising 
revenue to carry on the government. This is the 
same principle that governed the Alcorn adminis- 
tration when it took charge of the State Govern- 
ment in 1870. In that message Governor Noel 
said: " The amount of assessment determines the 
tax burden of each individual, corporation, town, 
and county. The Legislature or local authorities 
settle the amount necessary to be provided for their 
respective treasuries. If all property be assessed 
at the same rate, — whether for the full value or 
for ten per cent, of the value of the property, — the 



86 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

payment of each owner would be unaffected; for 
the higher the assessment, the lower the levy; the 
lower the assessment, the higher the levy. Our 
State revenue is mainly derived from a six mill 
ad valorem tax." 

When the Alcorn administration took charge of 
the State Government the War had just come to 
a close. Everything was in a prostrate condition. 
There had been great depreciation in the value of 
real and personal property. The credit of the State 
was not very good. The rate of interest for bor- 
rowed money was high. To materially increase 
the bonded debt of the State was not deemed wise, 
yet some had to be raised in that way. To raise 
the balance a higher rate of taxation had to be im- 
posed since the assessed valuation of the taxable 
property was so low. 

The figures showing the assessed valuation of 
taxable property in the State and the receipts and 
disbursements prior to 1875 are not available, but, 
taking the figures for that year, the reader can form 
a pretty accurate idea of what the situation must 
have been prior to that time. In 1875 the assessed 
valuation of real and personal property, subject to 
taxation in the State, was $119,313,834. The re- 
ceipts from all sources that year amounted to $1,- 
801,129.12. The disbursements for the same year 
were, $1,430,192.83. 

Now let us see what the situation was after the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 87 

Ames administration had been in power about two 
years, — or half of the term for which it had been 
elected. According to a very carefully prepared 
statement that was made and published by an ex- 
pert accountant in the State Treasurer's office in 
the latter part of 1875 the ad valorem rate of taxes 
for general purposes had been reduced from seven 
to four mills, and yet the amount paid into the 
Treasury was not only enough to meet all demands 
upon the State, but to make a material reduction 
in the bonded debt. The following is taken from 
that statement : "^ 
( " An examination of the report of the State 
Treasurer, of the first of January, 1874, at which 
time the administration of Governor Ames com- 
menced, exhibits the fact that the indebtedness of 
the State at that date, exclusive of the amounts to 
the credit of the Chickasaw and common school 
funds, balance of current funds on hand, and war- 
rants in the Treasury belonging to the State, was 
$1,765,554.33 The amount of the tax of the pre- 
vious year remaining uncollected on January first, 

1874, and afterward collected, $944,261.51, should 
be deducted from the above amount, which will 
show the actual indebtedness of the State at that 
date to be $821,292.82. A further examination of 
the report of the same officer, for January first, 

1875, shows the indebtedness, after deducting 
amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and com- 



88 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

mon school funds, balance of current funds on 
hand and warrants in the Treasury belonging to 
the State, to be, $1,707,056.24. Then by deduct- 
ing the amount of the tax of the previous year re- 
maining uncollected January first, 1875, and after- 
wards collected, $998,628.11, the result shows the 
actual indebtedness on January first, 1875, to be 
$708,428.13. The forthcoming annual report of 
the State Treasurer, for January first, 1876, will 
show the indebtedness of the State, exclusive of the 
amounts to the credit of the Chickasaw and com- 
mon school funds, the balance of current funds on 
hand, and warrants in the Treasury belonging to 
the State, to be $980,138.33. Then, by proceeding 
again as above, and deducting the amount of the 
tax of the previous year, uncollected on January 
first, 1876, and now being rapidly paid into the 
Treasury, at a low estimate, $460,000.00, we have as 
an actual indebtedness of the State on January first, 
1876, $520,138.33. Thus it will be seen that the 
actual indebtedness of the State is but little over a 
half million dollars, and that during the two years 
of Governor Ames' administration the State debt 
has been reduced from $821,292.82, on January 
first, 1874, to $520,138.33, on January first, 1876, 
or a reduction of more than three hundred thou- 
sand dollars in two years — upwards of one third 
of the State debt wiped out in that time. Not only 
has the debt been reduced as above, but the rate of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 89 

taxation for general purposes has been reduced 
from seven mills in 1873 to four mills in 1875." 

Notwithstanding the fact that the rate of taxa- 
tion under the administration of Governor Ames 
had been reduced as shown above from seven mills 
in 1873 to four mills in 1875 the amount paid into 
the State Treasury was substantially the same as 
that paid in prior years. This was due to the great 
appreciation in the value of taxable property. 
Then again, a material reduction in the rate of 
taxation was made possible because the public in- 
stitutions had all been rebuilt and repaired and a 
sufficient number of school buildings had been 
erected, thus doing away with the necessity for a 
special levy for such purposes. From this show- 
ing it would seem as if it were reasonable to as- 
sume that if such an administration as the one then 
in power could have been retained a few years 
longer there would not only have been a still further 
reduction in the rate of taxation, but the payable 
debt of the State would have been entirely wiped 
out. Instead of this we find the conditions to be 
about as follows : 

First. Shortly after the first reform State Treas- 
urer had been in charge of that office it was de- 
veloped that he was a defaulter to the amount of 
$315,612.19. 

Second. Notwithstanding the immense increase 
in the value of taxable property from year to year, 



90 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

it appears from the ofificial records that the rate of 
ad valorem tax for general purposes has been in- 
creased from four to six mills. 

Third. There has been a veiy heavy increase 
in what is known as the specific or privilege taxes, 
— that is, a specific sum that business and profes- 
sional persons must pay for the privilege of doing 
business or of practicing their professions in the 
State. 

Fourth. The amounts now collected and paid 
out for the support of the State Government are 
more than double what they were a few years ago, 
thus showing extravagance, if not recklessness, in 
the administration of the affairs of the State, — the 
natural result of a condition by which the existence 
of but one political party is tolerated. 

Fifth. Notwithstanding the immense increase 
in the value of taxable property, and in spite of the 
enonnous sums paid into the State Treasury each 
year, there has been a material increase in the 
bonded debt of the State. In fact it has been neces- 
sary at different times to borrow money with which 
to pay the current expenses of the State Govern- 
ment. 

The following statistics for three years, 1907, 
1908 and 1909, would seem to substantiate the 
above statement: 

The value of the taxable property of the State 
in 1907 was $373,584,960. Receipts from all 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 91 

sources that year were $3,391,127.15. Disburse- 
ments for the same period were $3,730,343.29. Ex- 
cess of disbursements over receipts, $339,216.14. 

In 1908 the value of taxable property was $383,- 
823,739. Receipts from all sources that year 
were $3,338,398.98. Disbursements, same period, 
$3,351,119.46. Excess of disbursements over re- 
ceipts, $12,720.48. 

In 1909 the value of taxable property was $393,- 
297,173. Receipts from all sources were $3,- 
303,963.65. Disbursements, same period, $3,315,- 
201.48, Excess of disbursements over receipts, 
$11,237.83. 

On the first day of January, 1907, what is called 
the payable debt of the State was reported to be 
$1,253,029.07. On the first day of January, 1876, 
it was $520,138.33. Increase, $732,890.74. 



CHAPTER IX 

WHAT CONSTITUTES " NEGRO DOMINATION " 

It is claimed that in States, districts, and coun- 
ties, in which the colored people are in the majority, 
the suppression of the colored vote is necessary to 
prevent " Negro Domination," — to prevent the as- 
cendency of the blacks over the whites in the ad- 
ministration of the State and local governments. 
This claim is based upon the assumption that if the 
black vote were not suppressed in all such States, 
districts, and counties, black men would be sup- 
ported and elected to office because they were black, 
and white men would be opposed and defeated be- 
cause they were white. 

Taking Mississippi for purposes of illustration, 
it will be seen that there has never been the slight- 
est ground for such an apprehension. No colored 
man in that State ever occupied a judicial position 
above that of Justice of the Peace and very few 
aspired to that position. Of seven State officers 
only one, that of Secretary of State, was filled by a 
colored man, until 1873, when colored men were 
elected to three of the seven offices, — Lieutenant- 
Governor, Secretary of State, and State Superin- 

92 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 93 

tendent of Education. Of the two United States 
Senators and the seven members of the lower house 
of Congress not more than one colored man occu- 
pied a seat in each house at the same time. Of 
the thirty-five members of the State Senate, and 
of the one hundred and fifteen members of the 
House, — which composed the total membership of 
the State Legislature prior to 1874, — there were 
never more than about seven colored men in the 
Senate and forty in the lower house. Of the ninety- 
seven members that composed the Constitutional 
Convention of 1868 but seventeen were colored 
men. The composition of the lower house of the 
State Legislature that was elected in 1871 was as 
follows : I / 

Total membership, one hundred and fifteen. 
Republicans, sixty-six ; Democrats, forty-nine. Col- 
ored members, thirty-eight. White members, 
seventy-seven. White majority, thirty-nine. 

Of the sixty-six Republicans thirty-eight were 
colored and twenty-eight, white. There was a 
slight increase in the colored membership as a re- 
sult of the election of 1873, but the colored men 
never at any time had control of the State Govern- 
ment nor of any branch or department thereof, nor 
even that of any county or municipality. Out of 
seventy-two counties in the State at that time, elect- 
ing on an average twenty-eight officers to a county, 
it is safe to assert that not over five out of one 



94 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

hundred of such officers were colored men. The 
State; district, county, and municipal governments 
were not only in control of white men, but white 
men who were to the manor born, or who were 
known as old citizens of the State — those who had 
lived in the State many years before the War of 
the Rebellion. There was, therefore, never a time 
when that class of white men known as Carpet-bag- 
gers had absolute control of the State Government, 
or that of any district, county or municipality, or 
any branch or department thereof. There was 
never, therefore, any ground for the alleged appre- 
hension of negro domination as a result of a free, 
fair, and honest election in any one of the Southern 
or Reconstructed States. 

And this brings us to a consideration of the ques- 
tion. What is meant by "Negro Domination?" 
The answer that the average reader would give to 
that question would be that it means the actual, 
physical domination of the blacks over the whites. 
But, according to a high Democratic authority, that 
would be an incorrect answer. The definition given 
by that authority I have every reason to believe is 
the correct one, the generally accepted one. The 
authority referred to is the late Associate Justice 
of the Supreme Court of the State of Mississippi, 
H. H. Chalmers, who, in an article in the North 
American Review about March, 1881, explained 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 95 

and defined what is meant or understood by the 
term " Negro Domination." 

According to Judge Chahners' definition, in order 
to constitute " Negro Domination " it does not 
necessarily follow that negroes must be elected to 
office, but that in all elections in which white men 
may be divided, if the negro vote should be suffi- 
ciently decisive to be potential in determining the 
result, the white man or men that would be elected 
through the aid of negro votes would repre- 
sent " Negro Domination." In other words, we 
would have " Negro Domination " whenever the 
will of a majority of the whites would be defeated 
through the votes of colored men. If this is the 
correct definition of that term, — and it is, no doubt, 
the generally accepted one, — then tjie friends and 
advocates of manhood suffrage will not deny that 
we have had in the past " Negro Domination," 
nationally as well as locally, and that we may have 
it in the future. 

If that is the correct definition then we are liable 
to have " Negro Domination " not only in States, 
districts, and counties where the blacks are in the 
majority, but in States, districts and counties where 
they are few in numbers. If that is the correct 
definition of "Negro Domination," — to prevent 
which the negro vote should be suppressed, — then 
the suppression of that vote is not only necessary 



96 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

in States, districts, and counties in which the blacks 
are in the majority, but in every State, district, and 
county in the Union; for it will not be denied that 
the primary purpose of the ballot, — whether the 
voters be white or colored, male or female, — is to 
make each vote decisive and potential. If the vote 
of a colored man, or the vote of a white man, de- 
termines the result of an election in which he par- 
ticipates, then the very purpose for which he was 
given the right and privilege will have been accom- 
plished, whether the result, as we understand it, be 
wise or unwise. 

In this connection it cannot and will not be denied 
that the colored vote has been decisive and potential 
in very many important National as well as local 
and State elections. For instance, in the Presiden- 
tial election of 1868, General Grant, the Republican 
candidate, lost the important and pivotal State of 
New York, a loss which would have resulted in 
his defeat if the Southern States that took part in 
that election had all voted against him. That they 
did not do so was due to the votes of the colored 
men in those States. Therefore Grant's first ad- 
ministration represented " Negro Domination." 

Again, in 1876, Hayes was declared elected Presi- 
dent by a majority of one vote in the electoral col- 
lege. This was made possible by the result of the 
election in the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, 
and Florida, about which there was much doubt 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 97 

and considerable dispute, and over which there was 
a bitter controversy. But for the colored vote in 
those States there would have been no doubt, no 
dispute, no controversy. The defeat of Mr. Hayes 
and the election of Mr. Tilden would have been an 
undisputed and an uncontested fact. Therefore, 
the Hayes administration represented " Negro 
Domination." 

Again, in 1880, General Garfield, the Republican 
candidate for President, carried the State of New 
York by a plurality of about 20,000, without which 
he could not have been elected. It will not be 
denied by those who are well informed that if the 
colored men that voted for him in that State at 
that time had voted against him, he would have lost 
the State and, with it, the Presidency. Therefore, 
the Garfield-Arthur administration represented 
" Negro Domination." 

Again, in 1884, Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic 
candidate, carried the doubtful but very important 
State of New York by the narrow margin of 1,147 
plurality, which resulted in his election. It can- 
not and will not be denied that even at that early 
date the number of colored men that voted for Mr. 
Cleveland was far in excess of the plurality by 
which he carried the State. Mr. Cleveland's first 
administration, therefore, represented " Negro 
Domination." Mr. Cleveland did not hesitate to 
admit and appreciate the fact that colored men 



98 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

contributed largely to his success, hence he did not 
fail to give that element of his party appropriate 
and satisfactory official recognition. 

Again, in 1888, General Harrison, the Republican 
Presidential candidate, carried the State of New 
York by a plurality of about 20,000, which resulted 
in his election, which he would have lost but for the 
votes of the colored men in that State. Therefore, 
Harrison's administration represented " Negro 
Domination." 

The same is true of important elections in a num- 
ber of States, districts and counties in which the 
colored vote proved to be potential and decisive. 
But enough has been written to show the absurdity 
of the claim that the suppression of the colored vote 
is necessary to prevent " Negro Domination." So 
far as the State of Mississippi is concerned, in spite 
of the favorable conditions, as shown above, the 
legitimate State Government, — the one that rep- 
resented the honestly expressed will of a majority 
of the voters of the State, — was in the fall of 1875 
overthrown through the medium of a sanguinary 
revolution. The State Government was virtually 
seized and taken possession of vi et armis. Why 
was this? What was the excuse for it? What 
was the motive, the incentive that caused it? It 
was not in the interest of good, efficient, and cap- 
able government; for that we already had. It was 
not on account of dishonesty, maladministration, 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 99 

misappropriation of public funds; for every dollar 
of the public funds had been faithfully accounted 
for. It was not on account of high taxes; for it 
had been shown that, while the tax rate was quite 
high during the Alcorn administration, it had been 
reduced under the Ames administration to a point 
considerably less than it is now or than it has been 
for a number of years. It was not to prevent 
" Negro Domination " and to make sure the ascend- 
ency of the whites in the administration of the 
State and local governments ; for that was then the 
recognized and established order of things, from 
which there was no apprehension of departure. 
Then, what was the cause of this sudden and un- 
expected uprising? There must have been a 
strong, if not a justifiable, reason for it. What 
was it? That question will be answered in a sub- 
sequent chapter. 



CHAPTER X 

OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE GOVERN- 
MENT IN MISSISSIPPI 

In the last preceding chapter it was stated that 
the reason for the sanguinary revolution, which 
resulted in the overthrow of the Republican state 
government in the State of Mississippi in 1875, 
would be given in a subsequent chapter. What was 
true of Mississippi at that time was largely true 
of the other Reconstructed States where similar re- 
sults subsequently followed. When the War of the 
Rebellion came to an end it was believed by some, 
and apprehended by others, that serious and radical 
changes in the previous order of things would nec- 
essarily follow. 

But when what was known as the Johnson Plan 
of Reconstruction was disclosed it was soon made 
plain that if that plan should be accepted by the 
country no material change would follow, for the 
reason, chiefly, that the abolition of slavery would 
have been abolition only in name. While physical 
slavery would have been abolished, yet a sort of 
feudal or peonage system would have been estab- 
lished in its place, the effect of which would have 

zoo 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION loi 

been practically the same as the system which 
had been abolished. The former slaves would have 
been held in a state of servitude through the me- 
dium of labor-contracts which they would have 
been obliged to sign, — or to have signed for them, 
— from which they, and their children, and, per- 
haps, their children's children could never have been 
released. This would have left the old order of 
things practically unchanged. The large land- 
owners would still be the masters of the situation, 
the power being still possessed by them to perpetu- 
ate their own potential influence and to maintain 
their own political supremacy. 
■'' But it was the rejection of the Johnson Plan 
of Reconstruction that upset these plans and de- 
stroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was 
not only rejected, but what was known as the Con- 
gressional Plan of Reconstruction, — by which suf- 
frage was conferred upon the colored men in all 
the States that were to be reconstructed, — was ac- 
cepted by the people of the North as the permanent 
policy of the government, and was thus made the 
basis of Reconstruction and readmission of those 
States into the Union. 

Of course this meant a change in the established 
order of things that was both serious and radical. 
It meant the destruction of the power and influence 
of the Southern aristocracy. It meant not only the 
physical emancipation of the blacks but the politi- 



102 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

cal emancipation of the poor whites, as well. It 
meant the destruction in a large measure of the 
social, political, and industrial distinctions that had 
been maintained among the whites under the old 
order of things. But was this to be the settled 
policy of the government? Was it a fact that the 
incorporation of the blacks into the body politic of 
the country was to be the settled policy of the gov- 
ernment ; or was it an experiment, — a temporary 
expedient ? 

These were doubtful and debatable questions, 
pending the settlement of which matters could not 
be expected to take a definite shape. With the in- 
corporation of the blacks into the body politic of the 
country, — which would have the effect of destroy- 
ing the ability of the aristocracy to maintain their 
political supremacy, and which would also have the 
effect of bringing about the political emancipation 
of the whites of the middle and lower classes, — 
a desperate struggle ,for political supremacy be- 
tween the antagonistic elements of the whites was 
inevitable and unavoidable. But the uncertainty 
growing out of the possibility of the rejection by 
the country of the Congressional Plan of Recon- 
struction was what held matters in temporary abey- 
ance. President Johnson was confident, — or pre- 
tended to be, — that as soon as the people of the 
North had an opportunity to pass judgment upon 
the issues involved, the result would be the ac- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 103 

ceptance of his plan and the rejection of the one 
proposed by Congress. 

While the Republicans were successful in 1868 in 
not only electing the President and Vice-President 
and a safe majority in both branches of Congress, 
yet the closeness of the result had the effect of pre- 
venting the abandonment of the hope on the part of 
the supporters of the Johnson administration that 
the administration Plan of Reconstruction would 
ultimately be adopted and accepted as the basis of 
Reconstruction. Hence bitter and continued oppo- 
sition to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction 
was declared by the ruling class of the South to be 
the policy of that section. While the Republicans 
were again successful in the Congressional elections 
of 1870 yet the advocates of the Johnson plan did 
not abandon hope of the ultimate success and ac- 
ceptance by the country of that plan until after the 
Presidential and Congressional elections of 1872. 
In the meantime a serious split had taken place 
in the Republican party which resulted in the nomi- 
nation of two sets of candidates for President and 
Vice-President. The Independent or Liberal Re- 
publicans nominated Horace Greeley of New York, 
for President, and B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, 
for Vice-President. The regular Republicans re- 
nominated President Grant to succeed himself, and 
for Vice-President, Senator Henry Wilson, of Mas- 
sachusetts, was selected. 



104 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

■ The Democratic National Convention endorsed 
the ticket that had been nominated by the Liberal 
Republicans. The Republicans carried the election 
by an immense majority. With two or three ex- 
ceptions the electoral vote of every state in the 
Union was carried for Grant and Wilson. The 
Republicans also had a very large majority in both 
branches of Congress. 

'' Since the result of the election was so decisive, 
and since every branch of the government was then 
in the hands of the Republicans, further opposition 
to the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was 
for the first time completely abandoned. The fact 
was then recognized that this was the settled and 
accepted policy of the Government and that fur- 
ther opposition to it was useless. A few of the 
southern whites, General Alcorn being one of the 
number, had accepted the result of the Presiden- 
tial and Congressional elections of 1868 as con- 
clusive as to the policy of the country with reference 
to Reconstruction ; but those who thought and acted 
along those lines at that time were exceptions to 
the general rule. But after the Presidential and 
Congressional elections of 1872 all doubt upon that 
subject was entirely removed. 

The Southern whites were now confronted with 
a problem that was both grave and momentous. 
But the gravity of the situation was chiefly based 
upon the possibility, — if not upon a probability, — - 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 105 

of a reversal of what had been the established order 
of things, especially those of a political nature. 
( The inevitable conflict between the antagonistic 
elements of which Southern society was composed 
could no longer be postponed. But the colored 
vote was the important factor which now had to 
be considered and taken into account. It was con- 
ceded that whatever element or faction could se- 
cure the favor and win the support of the colored 
vote would be the dominant and controlling one in 
the State. It is true that between 1868 and 1872, 
when the great majority of Southern whites main- 
tained a policy of " masterly inactivity," the col- 
ored voters were obliged to ultilize such material 
among the whites as was available ; but it is a well- 
known fact that much of the material thus utilized 
was from necessity and not from choice, and that 
whenever and wherever an acceptable and reputable 
white man would place himself in a position where 
his services could be utilized he was gladly taken up 
and loyally supported by the colored voters. 

After 1872 the necessity for supporting unde- 
sirable material no longer existed; and colored 
voters had the opportunity not only of supporting 
Southern whites for all the important positions in 
the State, but also of selecting the best and most 
desirable among them. Whether the poor whites 
or the aristocrats of former days were to be placed 
in control of the affairs of the State was a question 



io6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

which the colored voters alone could settle and de- 
termine. That the colored man's preference should 
be the aristocrat of the past was perfectly natural, 
since the relations between them had been friendly, 
cordial and amicable even during the days of slav- 
ery. Between the blacks and the poor whites the 
feeling had been just the other way ; which was 
due not so much to race antipathy as to jealousy 
and envy on the part of the poor whites, growing 
out of the cordial and friendly relations between 
the aristocrats and their slaves ; and because the 
slaves were, in a large measure, their competitors 
in the industrial market. When the partiality of 
the colored man for the former aristocrats became 
generally known, they — the former aristocrats, — 
began to come into the Republican party in large 
numbers. In Mississippi they were led by such 
men as Alcorn, in Georgia by Longstreet, in Vir- 
ginia by Moseby, and also had as leaders such ex- 
governors as Orr, of South Carolina; Brown, of 
Georgia, and Parsons, of Alabama. 

Between 1872 and 1875 the accessions to the 
Republican ranks were so large that it is safe to 
assert that from twenty-five to thirty per cent of 
the white men of the Southern States were identi- 
fied with the Republican party ; and those who thus 
acted were among the best and most substantial men 
of that section. Among that number in the State 
of Mississippi was J. L. Alcorn, J. A. Orr, J. B. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 107 

Deason, R. W. Floiirnoy, and Orlando Davis. In 
addition to these there were thousands of others, 
many of them among the most prominent men of 
the State. Among the number was Judge Hiram 
Cassidy, who was the candidate of the Democratic 
party for Congress from the Sixth District in 1872, 
running against the writer of these hues. He was 
one of the most brilHant and successful members 
of the bar in southern Mississippi. Captain 
Thomas W. Hunt, of Jefferson County, was a mem- 
ber of one of the oldest, best, and most influential 
families of the South. The family connections 
were not, however, confined to the South ; George 
Hunt Pendelton of Ohio, for instance, who was the 
Democratic candidate for Vice-President of the 
United States on the ticket with McClellan, in 
1864, and who was later one of the United States 
Senators from Ohio, was a member of the same 
family. 

While the colored men held the key to the situa- 
tion, the white men knew that the colored men had 
no desire to rule or dominate even the Republican 
party. All the colored men wanted and demanded 
was a voice in the government under which they 
lived, and to the support of which they contributed, 
and to have a small, but fair, and reasonable pro- 
portion of the positions that were at the disposal 
of the voters of the State and of the administration. 

While the colored men did not look with favor 



io8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

upon a political alliance with the poor whites, it 
must be admitted that, with very few exceptions, 
that class of whites did not seek, and did not seem 
to desire such an alliance. For this there were 
several well-defined reasons. 

In the first place, while the primary object of 
importing slaves into that section was to secure 
labor for the cultivation of cotton, the slave was 
soon found to be an apt pupil in other lines of in- 
dustry. In addition to having his immense cot- 
ton plantations cultivated by slave labor, the slave- 
owner soon learned that he could utilize these slaves 
as carpenters, painters, plasterers, bricklayers, 
blacksmiths and in all other fields of industrial oc- 
cupations and usefulness. Thus the whites who 
depended upon their labor for a living along those 
lines had their field of opportunity very much cur- 
tailed. Although the slaves were not responsible 
for this condition, the fact that they were there 
and were thus utilized, created a feeling of bitter- 
ness and antipathy on the part of the laboring 
whites which could not be easily wiped out. 

In the second place, the whites of that class were 
not at that time as ambitious, politically, as were the 
aristocrats. They had been held in political subjec- 
tion so long that it required some time for them to 
realize that there had been a change. At that time 
they, with a few exceptions, were less efficient, less 
capable, and knew less about matters of state and 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 109 

governmental administration than many of the ex- 
slaves. It was a rare thing, therefore, to find one 
of that class at that time that had any political am- 
bition or manifested any desire for political distinc- 
tion or official recognition. As a rule, therefore, 
the whites that came into the leadership of the Re- 
publican party between 1S72 and 1875 were repre- 
sentatives of the most substantial families of the 
land. 



CHAPTER XI 

RISE OF DEMOCRATIC RADICALISM IN THE SOUTH 

After the Presidential election of 1872 no one 
could be found who questioned the wisdom or 
practicability of the Congressional Plan of Recon- 
struction, or who looked for its overthrow, change 
or modification. After that election the situation 
was accepted by everyone in perfect good faith. 
No one could be found in any party or either race 
who was bold enough to express the opinion that 
the Congressional Plan of Reconstruction was a 
mistake, or that negro suffrage was a failure. To 
the contrary it was admitted by all that the wisdom 
of both had been fully tested and clearly vindi- 
cated. It will not be denied even now by those 
who will take the time to make a careful examina- 
tion of the situation, that no other plan could have 
been devised or adopted that could have saved to 
the country the fruits of the victory that had been 
won on the field of battle. The adoption of any 
other plan would have resulted in the accomplish- 
ment of nothing but the mere physical abolition 
of slavery and a denial of the right of a State to 
withdraw from the Union. These would have 

no 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION iii 

been mere abstract propositions, with no authority- 
vested in the National Government for their en- 
forcement. The war for the Union would have 
been practically a failure. The South w^ould have 
gained and secured substantially everything for 
which it contended except the establishment of an 
independent government. The black man, there- 
fore, was the savior of his country, not only on the 
field of battle, but after the smoke of battle had 
cleared away. 

Notwithstanding the general acceptance of this 
plan after the Presidential election of 1872, we 
find that in the fall of 1874 there was a complete 
and radical change in the situation, — a change both 
sudden and unexpected. It came, as it were, in the 
twinkling of an eye. It was like a clap of thunder 
from a clear sky. It was the State and Congres- 
sional elections of that year. ' 

In the elections of 1872 nearly every State in the 
Union went Republican. In the State and Con- 
gressional elections of 1874 the result was the re- 
verse of what it was two years before, — nearly 
every State going Democratic. Democrats were 
surprised, Republicans were dumbfounded. Such 
a result had not been anticipated by anyone. Even 
the State of Massachusetts, the birthplace of aboli- 
tionism, the cradle of American liberty, elected a 
Democratic Governor. The Democrats had a ma- 
jority in the National House of Representatives 



112 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

that was about equal to that which the RepubHcans 
had elected two years before. Such veteran Re- 
publican leaders in the United States Senate as 
Chandler, of Michigan, Windom, of Minnesota, 
and Carpenter, of Wisconsin, were retired from 
the Senate. When the returns were all in it was 
developed that the Democrats did not have a clear 
majority on joint ballot in the Michigan Legisla- 
ture, but the margin between the two parties was so 
close that a few men who had been elected as 
independent Republicans had the balance of power. 
These Independents were opposed to the reelection 
of Senator Chandler. That the Democrats should 
be anxious for the retirement of such an able, ac- 
tive, aggressive, and influential Republican leader 
as Chandler was to be expected. That party, there- 
fore, joined with the Independents in the vote for 
Senator which resulted in the election of a harmless 
old gentleman by the name of Christiancy. The 
Michigan situation was found to exist also in Min- 
nesota, and the result was the retirement of that 
strong and able leader. Senator William Windom, 
and the election of a new and unknown man, Mc- 
Millan." 

What was true of Michigan and Minnesota was 
also found to be true of Wisconsin. The same 
sort of combination was made, which resulted in 
the retirement of the able and brilliant Matt Car- 
penter, and the election of a new man, Cameron, 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 113 

who was not then known outside of the boundaries 
of his State. Cameron proved to be an able man, a 
useful Senator, a good Republican and an improve- 
ment, in some respects, upon his predecessor; but 
his election was a defeat of the Republican organi- 
zation in his State, which, of course, was the ob- 
jective point with the Democrats. 
/^ It was the State and Congressional elections of 
1874 that proved to be the death of the Republican 
party at the South. The party in that section 
might have survived even such a crushing blow 
as this, but for subsequent unfortunate events to 
which allusion has been made in a previous chap- 
ter, and which will be touched upon in some that 
are to follow. But, under these conditions, its 
survival was impossible. If the State and Con- 
gressional elections of 1874 had been a repetition 
of those of 1872 or if they had resulted in a Re- 
publican victory. Republican success in the Presi- 
dential election of 1876 would have been a 
reasonably assured fact. , By that time the party 
at the South would have included in its member- 
ship from forty to fifty per cent of the white men 
of their respective States and as a result thereof 
it would have been strong enough to stand on its 
own feet and maintain its own independent ex- 
istence, regardless of reverses which the parent or- 
ganization might have sustained in other sections. 
But at that time the party in that section was in 



114 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

its infancy. It was young, weak, and compara- 
tively helpless. It still needed the fostering care 
and the protecting hand of the paternal source of 
its existence. 

When the smoke of the political battle that was 
fought in the early part of November, 1874, had 
cleared away, it was found that this strong, vigor- 
ous and healthy parent had been carried from the 
battle-field seriously wounded and unable to admin- 
ister to the wants of its Southern offspring. The 
offspring was not strong enough to stand alone. 
The result was that its demise soon followed be- 
cause it had been deprived of that nourishment, 
that sustenance and that support which were es- 
sential to its existence and which could come only 
from the parent which had been seriously if not 
fatally wounded upon the field of battle. After 
the Presidential election of 1872 Southern white 
men were not only coming into the Republican 
party in large numbers, but the liberal and pro- 
gressive element of the Democracy was in the as- 
cendency in that organization. That element, 
therefore, shaped the policy and declared the prin- 
ciples for which that organization stood. This 
meant the acceptance by all political parties of what 
was regarded as the settled policy of the National 
Government. In proof of this assertion a quota- 
tion from a political editorial which appeared about 
that time in the Jackson, Mississippi, Clarion, 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 115 

— the organ of the Democratic party, — will not 
be out of place. In speaking of the colored people 
and their attitude towards the whites, that able 
and influential paper said : 

" While they [the colored people] have been nat- 
urally tenacious of their newly-acquired privileges, 
their general conduct will bear them witness that 
they have shown consideration for the feelings of 
the whites. The race line in politics would never 
have been drawn if opposition had not been made 
to their enjoyment of equal privileges in the gov- 
ernment and under the laws after they were eman- 
cipated." 

In other words, the colored people had mani- 
fested no disposition to rule or dominate the whites, 
and the only color line which had existed grew out 
of the unwise policy which had previously been pur- 
sued by the Democratc party in its efforts to pre- 
vent the enjoyment by the newly-emancipated race 
of the rights and privileges to which they were 
entitled under the Constitution and laws of the 
country. But after the State and Congressional 
elections of 1874 the situation was materially 
changed. The liberal and conservative element of 
the Democracy was relegated to the rear and the 
radical element came to the front and assumed 
charge. 

Subsequent to 1872 and prior to 1875 race pro- 
scription and social ostracism had been completely 



ii6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

abandoned. A Southern white man could become a 
Repubhcan without being socially ostracized. Such 
a man was no longer looked upon as a traitor to his 
people, or false to his race. He no longer for- 
feited the respect, confidence, good-will, and favor- 
able opinion of his friends and neighbors. 
Bulldozing, criminal assaults and lynchings were 
seldom heard of. To the contrary, cordial, 
friendly and amicable relations between all classes, 
all parties, and both races prevailed everywhere. 
Fraud, violence, and intimidation at elections were 
neither suspected nor charged by anyone, for every- 
one knew that no occasion existed for such things. 
But after the State and Congressional elections of 
1874 there was a complete change of front. The 
new order of things was then set aside and the 
abandoned methods of a few years back were re- 
vived and readopted. 

It is no doubt true that very few men at the 
North who voted the Republican ticket in 1872 and 
the Democratic ticket in 1874 were influenced in 
changing their votes by anything connected with 
Reconstruction. There were other questions at is- 
sue, no doubt, that influenced their action. There 
had been in 1873, for instance, a disastrous financial 
panic. Then there were other things connected 
with the National Administration which met with 
popular disfavor. These were the reasons, no 
doubt, that influenced thousands of Republicans to 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 117 

vote the Democratic ticket merely as an indication 
of their dissatisfaction with the National Adminis- 
tration. 

But, let their motives and reasons be what they 
may, the effect was the same as if they had in- 
tended their votes to be accepted and construed as 
an endorsement of the platform declarations of the 
National Democratic Convention of 1868, at least 
so far as Reconstruction was concerned. Demo- 
crats claimed, and Republicans could not deny, that 
so far as the South was concerned this was the effect 
O'f the Congressional elections of 1874. Deser- 
tions from the Republican ranks at the South, in 
consequence thereof, became more rapid than had 
been the accessions between 1872 and 1875. Thou- 
sands who had not taken an open stand, but who 
were suspected of being- inclined to the Republican 
party, denied that there had ever been any justifiable 
grounds for such suspicions. Many who had taken 
an open stand on that side returned to the fold of 
the Democracy in sackcloth and ashes, — upon 
bended knees, pleading for mercy, forgiveness and 
for charitable forbearance. They had seen a new 
light ; and they were ready to confess that they had 
made a grave mistake, but, since their motives were 
good and their intentions were honest, they hoped 
that they would not be rashly treated nor harshly 
judged. 

The prospects for the gratification and realiza- 



ii8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tion of the ambition of ^vhite men in that section 
had been completely reversed. The conviction be- 
came a settled fact that the Democratic party v^as 
the only channel through which it would be possi- 
ble in the future for anyone to secure political dis- 
tinction or receive official recognition, — hence the 
return to the ranks of that party of thousands of 
white men who had left it. All of them were 
eventually received, though some were kept on 
the anxious seat and held as probationers for a long 
time. 

It soon developed that all that was left of the 
once promising and flourishing Republican party 
at the South was the true, faithful, loyal, and 
sincere colored men, — who remained Republican 
from necessity as well as from choice, — and a few 
white men, who were Republicans from principle 
and conviction, and who were willing to incur the 
odium, run the risks, take the chances, and pay the 
penalty that every white Republican who had the 
courage of his convictions must then pay. This 
was a sad and serious disappointment to the col- 
ored men who were just about to realize the hope 
and expectation of a permanent political combina- 
tion and union between themselves and the better 
element of the whites, which would have resulted 
in good, honest, capable, and efficient local govern- 
ment and in the establishment and maintenance of 
peace, good-will, friendly, cordial, and amicable 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 119 

relations between the two races. But this hope, 
poHtically at least, had now been destroyed, and 
these expectations had been shattered and scattered 
to the four winds. The outlook for the colored 
man was dark and anything but encouraging. 
Many of the parting scenes that took place between 
the colored men and the whites who decided to re- 
turn to the fold of the Democracy were both af- 
fecting and pathetic in the extreme. 

The writer cannot resist the temptation to bring 
to the notice of the reader one of those scenes of 
which he had personal knowledge. Colonel James 
Lusk had been a prominent, conspicuous and in- 
fluential representative of the Southern aristocracy 
of ante-bellum days. He enjoyed the respect and 
confidence of the community in which he lived, — 
especially of the colored people. He, like thou- 
sands of others of his class, had identifiied himself 
with the Republican party. There was in that com- 
munity a Republican club of which Sam Henry, a 
W'ell-known colored man, was president. When it 
was rumored, — and before it could be verified, — 
that Colonel Lusk had decided to cast his fortunes 
wnth the Republican party Henry appointed a com- 
mittee of three to call on him and extend to him a 
cordial invitation to appear before the club at its 
next meeting and deliver an address. The invita- 
tion was accepted. As soon as the Colonel entered 
the door of the club, escorted by the committee. 



I20 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

every man in the house immediately arose and all 
joined in giving three cheers and a hearty welcome 
to the gallant statesman and brave ex-Confederate 
soldier who had honored them with his distin- 
guished presence on that occasion. He delivered 
a splendid speech, in which he informed his hear- 
ers that he had decided to cast his lot with the 
Republican party. It was the first public announce- 
ment of that fact that had been made. Of course 
he was honored, idolized and lionized by the col- 
ored people wherever he was known. 

After the Congressional elections of 1874 Colonel 
Lusk decided that he would return to the ranks of 
the Democracy. Before making public announce- 
ment of that fact he decided to send for his faith- 
ful and loyal friend, Sam Henry, to come to see 
him at his residence, as he had something of im- 
portance to communicate to him. Promptly at 
the appointed time Henry made his appearance. 
He did not know for what he was wanted, but he 
had a well-founded suspicion, based upon the 
changed conditions which were apparent in every 
direction ; hence, apprehension could be easily de- 
tected in his countenance. Colonel Lusk commenced 
by reminding Henry of the fact that it was before 
the club of which he was president and upon his 
invitation that he, Lusk, had made public announce- 
ment of his intention to act in the future with the 
Republican party. Now that he had decided to 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 121 

renounce any further allegiance to that party he 
thought that his faithful friend and loyal supporter, 
Sam Henry, should be the first to whom that an- 
nouncement should be made. When he had fin- 
ished Henry was visibly affected. 

" Oh ! no, Colonel," he cried, breaking down com- 
pletely, " I beg of you do not leave us. You are 
our chief, if not sole dependence. You are our 
Moses. If you leave us, hundreds of others in our 
immediate neighborhood will be sure to follow 
your lead. We will thus be left without solid and 
substantial friends. I admit that with you party 
affiliation is optional. With me it is not. You 
can be either a Republican or a Democrat, and be 
honored and supported by the party to which you 
may belong. With me it is different. I must re- 
main a Republican whether I want to or not. 
While it is impossible for me to be a Democrat it 
is not impossible for you to be a Republican. We 
need you. We need your prestige, your power, 
your influence, and your name. I pray you, there- 
fore, not to leave us; for if you and those who will 
follow your lead leave us now we will be made to 
feel that we are without a country, without a home, 
without friends, and without a hope for the future. 
Oh, no. Colonel, I beg of you, I plead with you, 
don't go ! Stay with us ; lead and guide us, as you 
have so faithfully done during the last few years ! " 

Henry's remarks made a deep and profound im- 



122 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

presslon upon Colonel Lusk. He informed Henry 
that no step he could take was more painful to him 
than this. He assured Henry that this act on his 
part was from necessity and not from choice. 

" The statement you have made, Henry, that 
party affiliations with me is optional," he answered, 
" is presumed to be true ; but, in point of fact, it 
Is not. No white man can live in the South in 
the future and act with any other than the Demo- 
cratic party unless he is willing and prepared to 
live a life of social isolation and remain in political 
oblivion. While I am somewhat advanced in years, 
I am not so old as to be devoid of political ambi- 
tion. Besides I have two grown sons. There is, 
no doubt, a bright, brilliant and successful future 
before tliem if they are Democrats; otherwise, not. 
If I remain in the Republican party, — which can 
hereafter exist at the South only in name, — I will 
thereby retard, if not mar and possibly destroy, 
their future prospects. Then, you must remember 
that a man's first duty is to his family. My daugh- 
ters are the pride of my home. I cannot afford 
to have them suffer the humiliating consequences 
of the social ostracism to which they may be sub- 
jected if I remain in the Republican party. 

" The die is cast. I must yield to the inevitable 
and surrender my convictions upon the altar of my 
family's good, — the outgrowth of circumstances 
and conditions which I am powerless to prevent 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 123 

and cannot control. Henceforth I must act with 
the Democratic party or make myself a martyr; 
and I do not feel that there is enough at stake to 
justify me in making such a fearful sacrifice as 
that. It is, therefore, with deep sorrow and sin- 
cere regret, Henry, that I am constrained to leave 
you politically, but I find that I am confronted with 
a condition, not a theoi"y. I am compelled to 
choose between you, on one side, and my family 
and personal interests, on the other. That I have 
decided to sacrifice you and yours upon the altar 
of my family's good is a decision for which you 
should neither blame nor censure me. If I could 
see my way clear to pursue a different course it 
would be done ; but my decision is based upon care- 
ful and thoughtful consideration and it must 
stand." 

Of course a stubborn and bitter fight for control 
of the Democratic organization was now on be- 
tween the antagonistic and conflicting elements 
among the whites. It was to be a desperate strug- 
gle between the former aristocrats, on one side, and 
what was known as the " poor whites," on the 
other. While the aristocrats had always been 
the weaker in point of numbers, they had been 
the stronger in point of wealth, intelligence, ability, 
skill and experience. As a result of their wide ex- 
perience, and able and skillful management, the 
aristocrats were successful in the preliminary strug- 



124 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

gles, as illustrated in the persons of Stephens, 
Gordon, Brown and Hill, of Georgia; Daniels and 
Lee, of Virginia; Hampton and Butler, of South 
Carolina; Lamar and Walthall, of Mississippi, and 
Garland, of Arkansas. But in the course of time 
and in the natural order of things the poor whites 
were bound to win. All that was needed was a 
few years' tutelage and a few daring and unscrupu- 
lous leaders to prey upon their ignorance and mag- 
nify their vanity in order to bring them to a 
realization of the fact that their former political 
masters were now completely at their mercy, and 
subject to their will. 

That the poor whites of the ante-bellum period 
in most of the late slaveholding or reconstructed 
States are now the masters of the political situa- 
tion in those States, is a fact that will not be ques- 
tioned, disputed or denied by anyone who is well 
informed, or who is familiar with the facts. The 
aristocrats of ante-bellum days and their descend- 
ants in the old slave States are as completely under 
the political control and domination of the poor 
whites of the ante-bellum period as those whites 
were under them at that time. Yet the reader must 
not assume that the election returns from such 
States indicate the actual, or even the relative, 
strength of the opposing and antagonistic elements 
and factions. They simply indicate that the poor 
whites of the past and their descendants are now 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 125 

the masters and the leaders, and that the masters 
and the leaders of the past are now the submissive 
followers. 

In the ranks of those who are now the recog- 
nized leaders is to be found some of the very best 
blood of the land, — the descendants of the finest, 
best, most cultivated, and most refined families of 
their respective States, But as a rule they are 
there, not from choice, but from necessity, — not 
because they are in harmony with what is being 
done, or because they approve of the methods that 
are being employed and pursued, but on account 
of circumstances and conditions which they can 
neither control nor prevent. They would not hesi- 
tate to raise the arm of revolt if they had any 
hope, or if they believed that ultimate success would 
be the result thereof. But as matters now stand 
they can detect no ray of hope, and can see no 
avenue of escape. Hence nothing remains for 
them to do but to hold the chain of political oppres- 
sion and subjugation, while their former political 
subordinates rivet and fasten the same around their 
unwilling necks. They find they can do nothing 
but sacrifice their pride, their manhood, and their 
self-respect upon the altar of political necessity. 
They see, they feel, they fully realize the hopeless- 
ness of their condition and the helplessness of their 
situation. They see, they know, they acknowledge 
that in the line of political distinction and official 



126 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

recognition they can get nothing that their former 
political subordinates are not wiUing for them to 
have. With a hope of getting a few crumbs that 
may fall from the official table they make wry 
faces and pretend to be satisfied with what is being 
done, and with the way in which it is done. They 
are looked upon with suspicion and their loyalty 
to the new order of things is a constant source of 
speculation, conjecture, and doubt. But, for rea- 
sons of political expediency, a few crumbs are al- 
lowed occasionally to go to some one of that class, 
— crumbs that are gratefully acknowledged and 
thankfully received, upon the theory that some lit- 
tle consideration is better than none at all, especially 
in their present helpless and dependent condition. 
But even these small crumbs are confined to those 
who are most pronounced and outspoken in their 
declarations and protestations of loyalty, devotion, 
and subservient submission to the new order of 
things. 



CHAPTER XII 

EVENTFUL DAYS OF THE FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

The Mississippi Constitution having been rati- 
fied in 1869, — an odd year of the calendar, — 
caused the regular elections for State, district and 
county officers to occur on the odd year of the 
calendar, while the National elections occurred on 
the even years of the calendar, thus necessitating 
the holding of an election in the State every year. 
Therefore, no election was to be held in 1874, ex- 
cept for Congressmen, and to fill a few vacancies, 
while the regular election for county officers and 
members of the Legislature would be held in 1875. 

Since the regular session of the 44th Congress 
would not convene before December, 1875, in order 
to avoid the trouble and expense incident to hold- 
ing an election in 1874, the Legislature passed a 
bill postponing the election of members of Congress 
until November, 1875. There being some doubt 
about the legality of this legislation, Congress 
passed a bill legalizing the act of the Legislature. 
Consequently no election was held in the State in 

1874 except to fill a few vacancies that had oc- 

\2^ 



128 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

curred in the Legislature and in some of the dis- 
tricts and counties. 

One of the vacancies to be filled was that of 
State Senator, created by the resignation of Sena- 
tor Hiram Cassidy, Jr. Senator Cassidy, who was 
elected as a Democrat in 1873, and who had voted 
for Mr. Bruce, the Republican caucus nominee, for 
United States Senator, had in the mean time pub- 
licly identified himself with the Republican party, 
thus following in the footsteps of his able and il- 
lustrious father. Judge Hiram Cassidy, Sr., who 
had given his active support to the Republican can- 
didate for Governor in 1873. 

Governor Ames had appointed Senator Cassidy 
a Judge of the Chancery Court, to accept which 
office it was necessary for him to resign his seat 
as a member of the State Senate. A special elec- 
tion was held in November, 1874, to fill that va- 
cancy. The Democrats nominated a strong and 
able man, Judge R. H. Thompson, of Brookhaven, 
Lincoln County. The Republicans nominated a 
still stronger and abler man, Hon. J. F. Sessions, 
of the same town and county, — a Democrat who 
had represented Franklin County for several terms, 
but who had that year identified himself with the 
Republican party. Sessions was Chancellor Cassi- 
dy's law partner. 

Since the counties comprising that senatorial dis- 
trict constituted a part of the district that I then 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 129 

represented in Congress, I took an active part in the 
support of the candidacy of Sessions. Although a 
Democrat, Hiram Cassidy, Jr., had been elected from 
that district in 1873, Sessions, a Republican, was 
elected by a handsome majority in 1874. A vacancy 
had also occurred in the Legislature from Franklin 
County, to fill which the Republicans nominated 
Hon. William P. Cassidy, brother of Chancellor 
Cassidy ; but the Democratic majority in the county 
was too large for one even so popular as Wm. P. 
Cassidy to overcome; hence he was defeated by a 
small majority. 

From a Republican point of view Mississippi, 
as was true of the other reconstructed States, up 
to 1875 was all that could be expected and desired 
and, no doubt, would have remained so for many 
years, but for the unexpected results of the State 
and Congressional elections of 1874. While it is 
true, as stated and explained in a previous chapter, 
that Grant carried nearly every state in the Union 
at the Presidential election in 1872, the State and 
Congressional elections throughout the country 
two years later went just the other way, and by 
majorities just as decisive as those given the Re- 
publicans two years before. 

Notwithstanding the severe and crushing defeat 
sustained by the Republicans at that time, it was 
claimed by some, believed by others, and predicted 
by many that by the time the election for President 



130 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

in 1876 would roll around it would be found that 
the Republicans had regained substantially all they 
had lost in 1874; but these hopes, predictions, and 
expectations were not realized. The Presidential 
election of 1876 turned out to be so close and 
doubtful that neither party could claim a substan- 
tial victory. While it is true that Hayes, the Re- 
publican candidate for President, was finally 
declared elected according to the forms of law, yet 
the terms and conditions upon which he was al- 
lowed to be peaceably inaugurated were such as to 
complete the extinction and annihilation of the Re- 
publican party at the South. i^The price that the 
Hayes managers stipulated to pay, — and did pay, 
— for the peaceable inauguration of Hayes was 
that the South was to be turned over to the Demo- 
crats and that the administration was not to enforce 
the Constitution and the laws of the land in that 
section against the expressed will of the Democrats 
thereof. In other words, so far as the South was 
concerned, the Constitution was not to follow the 
flag. 

In the 43rd Congress which was elected in 1872 
and which would expire by limitation March 4, 
1875, the Republicans had a large majority in both 
Houses. In the House of Representatives of the 
44th Congress, which was elected in 1874, the 
Democratic majority was about as large as was the 
Republican majority in the House of the 43rd Con- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 131 

gress. The Republicans still retained control of 
the Senate, but by a greatly reduced majority. 

During the short session of the 43rd Congress, 
important legislation was contemplated by the Re- 
publican leaders. Alabama was one of the States 
which the Democrats were charged with having 
carried in 1874 by resorting to methods which were 
believed to be questionable and illegal. An inves- 
tigation was ordered by the House. A committee 
was appointed to make the investigation, of which 
General Albright, of Pennsylvania, was chairman. 
This committee was authorized to report by bill 
or otherwise. After a thorough investigation, the 
chairman was directed, and instructed by the vote 
of every Republican member of the committee, 
which constituted a majority thereof, to report and 
recommend the passage of what was called the 
Federal Elections Bill. This bill was carefully 
drawn ; following substantially the same lines as a 
previous temporary measure, under the provisions 
of which what was known as the Ku Klux Klan 
had been crushed out, and order had been restored 
in North Carolina. 

It is safe to say that this bill would have passed 
both Houses and become a law, but for the unex- 
pected opposition of Speaker Blaine. Mr. Blaine 
was not only opposed to the bill, but his opposition 
was so intense that he felt it his duty to leave the 
Speaker's chair and come on the floor for the pur- 



132 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

pose of leading the opposition to its passage. This, 
of course, was fatal to the passage of the measure. 
After a desperate struggle of a few days, in which 
the Speaker was found to be in opposition to a 
large majority of his party associates, and which 
revealed the fact that the party was hopelessly 
divided, the leaders in the House abandoned the 
effort to bring the measure to a vote. 

Mr. Blaine's motives in taking this unexpected 
position, in open opposition to the great majority 
of his party associates, has always been open to 
speculation and conjecture. His personal and 
political enemies charged that it was due to jealousy 
of President Grant. Mr. Blaine was a candidate for 
the Republican Presidential nomination the follow- 
ing year. It was a well-known fact that President 
Grant was not favorable to Mr. Blaine's nomina- 
tion, but was in sympathy with the movement to 
have Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, Mr. 
Blaine's bitterest political enemy, nominated. Mr. 
Blaine was afraid, his enemies asserted, that, if the 
Federal Elections Bill, — under the provisions of 
which great additional power would have been con- 
ferred upon the President, — had become a law, that 
power would be used to defeat his nomination for 
the Presidency in 1876; hence his opposition to the 
Bill. But, whatever his motives were, his success- 
ful opposition to that measure no doubt resulted 
in his failure to realize the ambition of his life, — 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 133 

the Presidency of the United States. But for the 
stand he took on that occasion, he would probably 
have received sufficient support from Southern dele- 
gates in the National Convention to secure him the 
nomination, and, had he been nominated at that 
time, the probabilities are that he would have been 
elected. But his opposition to that bill practically 
solidified the Southern delegates in that convention 
against him, and as a result he was defeated for 
the nomination, although he was the choice of a 
majority of the Northern delegates. 

Even when Blaine received the nomination in 
1884 it was developed that it could not have hap- 
pened had the Southern delegates been as solidly 
against him at that time as they were in 1876. But 
by 1884 the Southern Republicans had somewhat 
relented in their opposition to him, and, as a result 
thereof, he received sufficient support from that 
section to give him the nomination. But he was 
defeated at the polls because the South was solid 
against him, — a condition which was made possible 
by his own action in defeating the Federal Elections 
Bill in 1875. In consequence of his action in that 
matter he was severely criticised and censured by 
Republicans generally, and by Southern Republicans 
especially. 

Although I was not favorable to his nomination 
for the Presidency at any time, my relations with 
Mr. Blaine had been so cordial that I felt at liberty 



134 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

to seek him and ask him, for my own satisfaction 
and information, an explanation of his action in op- 
posing and defeating the Federal Elections Bill. I 
therefore went to him just before the final adjourn- 
ment of the 43rd Congress and informed him that 
I desired to have a few minutes' private audience 
with him whenever it would be convenient for him 
to see me. He requested me to come to the 
Speaker's room immediately after the adjournment 
of the House that afternoon. 

When I entered the room Mr. Blaine was alone. 
I took a seat only a few feet from him, I informed 
him of the great disappointment and intense dis- 
satisfaction which his action had caused in defeat- 
ing what was not only regarded as a party measure, 
but which was believed by the Republicans to be 
of vital importance from a party point of view, to 
say nothing of its equity and justice. I remarked 
that for him to array himself in opposition to the 
great majority of his own party associates, — and 
to throw the weight of his great influence against 
such an important party measure as the Federal 
Elections Bill was believed to be, — he must have 
had some motive, some justifiable grounds of which 
the public was ignorant, but about which I believed 
it was fair to himself and just to his own friends 
and party associates, that he give some explanation. 

" As a southern Republican member of the 
House, and as one that is not hostile or particularly 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 135 

unfriendly to you," I said, " I feel that I have a 
right to make this request of you." 

At first he gave me a look of surprise, and for 
several seconds he remained silent. Then, straight- 
ening himself up in his chair, he answered: 

" I am glad, Mr. Lynch, that you have made this 
request of me, since I am satisfied you are not ac- 
tuated by any unfriendly motive in doing so. I 
shall, therefore, give a frank answer to your ques- 
tion. In my judgment, if that bill had become a 
law the defeat of the Republican party throughout 
the country would have been a foregone conclusion. 
We could not have saved the South even if the 
bill had passed, but its passage would have lost us 
the North ; indeed, I could not have carried even 
my own State of Maine, if that bill had passed. In 
my opinion, it was better to lose the South and save 
the North, than to try through such legislation to 
save the South, and thus lose both North and South. 
I believed that if we saved the North we could then 
look after the South. If the Southern Democrats 
are foolish enough to bring about a Solid South 
the result will be a Solid North against a Solid 
South ; and in that case the Republicans would have 
nothing to fear. You now have my reasons, 
frankly and candidly given, for the action taken by 
me on the occasion referred to. I hope you are 
satisfied with them." 

I thanked Mr. Blaine cordially for giving me the 



136 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

desired explanation. *' I now feel better satisfied 
with reference to your action upon that occasion," 
I assured him. " While I do not agree with you in 
your conclusions, and while I believe your reason- 
ing to be unsound and fallacious, still I cannot help 
giving you credit for having been actuated by no 
other motive than to do what you honestly believed 
was for the best interest of the country and the 
Republican party." 



CHAPTER XIII 

STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1 875. REPUBLICAN VICTORY 

When I returned to my home after the adjourn- 
ment of Congress in March, 1875, the pohtical 
clouds were dark. The pohtical outlook was dis- 
couraging. The prospect of Republican success was 
not at all bright. There had been a marked change 
in the situation from every point of view. Demo- 
crats were bold, outspoken, defiant, and determined. 
In addition to these unfavorable indications I no- 
ticed that I was not received by them with the same 
warmth and cordiality as on previous occasions. 
With a few notable exceptions they were cold, in- 
different, even forbidding in their attitude and man- 
ner. This treatment was so radically different from 
that to which I had been accustomed that I could 
not help feeling it keenly. I knew it was indica- 
tive of a change in the political situation which 
meant that I had before me the fight of my life. 

My advocacy and support of the Federal Elec- 
tions Bill, commonly called the " Force Bill," was 
occasionally given as the reason for this change ; but 
I knew this was not the true reason. In fact, that 
bill would hardly have been thought of but for the 

137 



138 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

fact that Mr. Blaine, the Republican Speaker of the 
House, had attracted national attention to it through 
his action in vacating the chair and coming on the 
floor of the House to lead the opposition to its 
passage. This act on the part of the statesman 
from Maine made him, in the opinion of many- 
Southern Democrats, the greatest man that our 
country had ever produced, — George Washington, 
the Father of the Republic, not excepted. They 
were loud in their thanks for the valuable service he 
had thus rendered them and, as evidence of their 
gratitude to him, they declared their determination 
to shov^ their appreciation of this valuable service 
in a substantial manner whenever the opportunity 
presented itself for it to be done. 

No man in the country was stronger, better or 
more popular than the statesman from Maine, un- 
til his name came before them as a candidate for 
President of the United States on a Republican 
ticket. A sudden transformation then took place. 
It was then discovered, to their great surprise and 
disappointment, that he was such an unsafe and 
dangerous man that no greater calamity could hap- 
pen to the country than his elevation to the Presi- 
dency. Nothing, therefore, must be left undone to 
bring about his defeat. 

I was well aware of the fact at the time that it 
was the result of the State and Congressional elec- 
tions at the north in 1874 that had convinced South- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 139 

ern Democrats that Republican ascendency in the 
National Government would soon be a thing of the 
past — that the Democrats would be successful in 
the Presidential and Congressional elections of 
1876 and that that party would, no doubt, remain 
in power for at least a quarter of a century. It 
was this, and not the unsuccessful effort to pass a 
Federal Elections Bill, that had produced the 
marked change that was noticeable on every 
hand. Every indication seemed to point to a 
confirmation of the impression that Democratic 
success at the Presidential election was practically 
an assured fact. 

There had been a disastrous financial panic in 
1873 which was no doubt largely responsible for 
the political upheaval in 1874; but that was lost 
sight of in accounting for that result. In fact they 
made no effort to explain it except in their own way. 
The Democrats had carried the country ; the reasons 
for this they construed to suit themselves. The 
construction they placed upon it was that it was a 
national condemnation and repudiation of the Con- 
gressional Plan of Reconstruction, and they in- 
tended to govern themselves accordingly, 
/ The election in Mississippi in 1875 was for mem- 
bers of Congress, members of the Legislature, and 
county officers, and also a State Treasurer to serve 
out the unexpired term of Treasurer Holland, de- 
ceased. My own renomination for Congress from 



I40 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

the Sixth (Natchez) District was a foregone con- 
clusion, since I had no opposition in my own party ; 
but I reaHzed the painful fact that a nomination 
this time was not equivalent to an election. Still, 
I felt that it was my duty to make the fight, let the 
result be what it might. 

If Congressmen had been elected in 1874 the 
State would have returned five Republicans and one 
Democrat as was done in 1872 ; but in 1875 the pros- 
pect was not so bright, the indications were not so 
favorable. The Democrats nominated for State 
Treasurer Hon. Wm. L. Hemmingway, of Carroll 
County. He was an able man, and had been quite 
prominent as a party leader in his section of the 
State. The defiant attitude assumed, and the bold 
declarations contained in the platform upon which 
he was nominated were accepted by the Republi- 
cans as notice that the Democrats intended to carry 
the election — "peaceably and fairly." 

The Republicans nominated Hon. George M. Bu- 
chanan, of Marshall County, upon a platform which 
strongly endorsed the National and State adminis- 
trations. Mr. Buchanan was a strong and popular 
man. He had been a brave and gallant Confeder- 
ate soldier. He had been for several years Sheriff 
and Tax Collector of his county, and was known 
to be especially fitted for the office of State Treas- 
urer. As Sheriff and Tax Collector of Marshall 
County, — one of the wealthiest counties in the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 141 

State, — he had handled and disbursed many thou- 
sands of dollars, every dollar of which had been 
faithfully accounted for. His honesty, integrity, 
ability, fitness, and capacity, everyone, regardless of 
race or party, unhesitatingly admitted. 
I The administration of Governor Ames was one 
of the best the State had ever had. The judiciary 
was quite equal to that which had been appointed 
by Governor Alcorn. The public revenues had 
been promptly collected, and honestly accounted for. 
There had not only been no increase in the rate of 
taxation, but, to the contrary, there had been a ma- 
terial reduction. Notwithstanding these things the 
Democrats, together with the radical element in 
charge of the party machinery, determined to seize 
the State Government vi et armis; not because it 
was at all necessary for any special reason, but 
simply because conditions at that time seemed to 
indicate that it could be safely done. 
(\ 'After the nominations had all been made, the 
campaign was opened in dead earnest. Nearly all 
Democratic clubs in the State were converted into 
armed military companies. Funds with which to 
purchase arms were believed to have been contrib- 
uted by the National Democratic organization. 
Nearly every Republican meeting was attended by 
one or more of those clubs or companies, — the 
members of which were distinguished by red shirts, 
indicative of blood, — the attendance being for the 



142 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

purpose, of course, of " keeping the peace and pre- 
serving order." To enable the Democrats to carry 
the State a Republican majority of between twenty 
and thirty thousand had to be overcome. This 
could be done only by the adoption and enforce- 
ment of questionable methods. It was a case in 
which the end justified the means, and the means 
had to be supplied. •, 

The Republican vote consisted of about ninety- 
five per cent of the colored men, and of about 
twenty-five per cent of the white men. The other 
seventy-five per cent of the whites formerly con- 
stituted a part of the flower of the Confederate 
Army. They were not only tried and experienced 
soldiers, but they were fully armed and equipped 
for the work before them. Some of the colored 
Republicans had been Union soldiers, but they were 
neither organized nor armed. In such a contest, 
therefore, they and their white allies were entirely 
at the mercy of their political adversaries. 

Governor Ames soon took in the situation. He 
saw that he could not depend upon the white mem- 
bers of the State militia to obey his orders, to sup- 
port him in his efforts to uphold the majesty of the 
law, and to protect the law-abiding citizens in the 
enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. To use 
the colored members of the militia for such a pur- 
pose would be adding fuel to the flames. Nothing, 
therefore, remained for him to do but to call on the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 143 

National administration for military aid in his ef- 
forts to crush out domestic violence and enforce 
the laws of the State. He did call for such aid, but 
for reasons that will be given later it was not 
granted. 
[{ When the polls closed on the day of the elec- 
tion, the Democrats, of course, had carried the 
State by a large majority, — thus securing a heavy 
majority in both branches of the Legislature. Of 
the si:^ members of Congress the writer was the 
only one of the regular Republican candidates that 
pulled through, and that, by a greatly reduced ma- 
jority. In the Second (Holly Springs) District, G. 
Wiley Wells ran as an Independent Republican 
against A. R. Howe, the sitting member, and the 
regular Republican candidate for reelection. The 
Democrats supported Wells, who was elected.^, 

The 3^egation, therefore, consisted of four 
Democrats, one Republican, and one Independent 
Republican. While the delegation would have con- 
sisted of five straight Republicans and one Democrat 
had the election been held in 1874, still, since the 
Democrats had such a large majority in the House, 
the political complexion of the Mississippi delega- 
tion was not important. The election of the writer, 
it was afterwards developed, was due in all proba- 
bility to a miscalculation on the part of some of the 
Democratic managers. Their purpose was to have 
a solid delegation, counting Wells as one of that 



144 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

number, since his election would be due to the sup- 
port of the Democratic party. 

But in my district the plan miscarried. In one 
of the counties there were two conflicting- reports 
as to what the Democratic majority was ; according 
to one, it was two hundred and fifty, according to 
the other, it was five hundred. The report giving 
two hundred and fifty was, no doubt, the correct 
one, but the other would probably have been ac- 
cepted had it been believed at the time that it was 
necessary to insure the election of the Democratic 
candidate. To overcome the majority in that dis- 
trict was more difficult than to overcome it in any of 
the other districts. While their candidate, Colonel 
Roderick Seal, was quite a popular man, it was well 
known that I would poll a solid Republican vote 
and some Democratic votes in addition. Fortu- 
nately for me there was a split in the party in my 
own county (Adams) for county officers, which 
resulted in bringing out a very heavy vote. This 
split also made the count of the ballots very slow, — 
covering a period of several days. My name was 
on both tickets. The election took place on Tues- 
day, but the count was not finished until the follow- 
ing Friday evening. Hence, the result for member 
of Congress in that county could not be definitely 
ascertained until Friday night. 

The Democratic managers at the State Capital 
were eager to know as soon as possible what the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 145 

Republican majority in Adams County would be for 
Congressman, hence, on Wednesday evening, the 
editor of the local Democratic paper received a tele- 
gram from the Secretary of the Democratic State 
Committee, requesting to be informed immediately 
what the Republican majority for Congressman 
would be in Adams County. The editor read the 
telegram to me and asked what, in my opinion, 
would be my majority in the county. My reply 
was that I did not think it would exceed twelve 
hundred; whereupon he sent in the following re- 
port : " Lynch's majority in Adams will not ex- 
ceed twelve hundred." 

Upon receipt of this telegram the majority of 
two hundred and fifty instead of five hundred was 
deemed sufficient from the county heretofore re- 
ferred to. If the Republican majority in Adams 
would not exceed twelve hundred, the success of the 
Democratic Congressional candidate by a small but 
safe majority was assured on the face of the re- 
turns. Since Adams was the last county to be re- 
ported, no change could thereafter be made. When 
the count was finally finished in Adams it was found 
I had a majority of over eighteen hundred. This 
gave me a majority in the district of a little over 
two hundred on the face of the returns. 

The disappointment and chagrin on the part of 
the Democratic managers can better be imagined 
than described. But the agreeable surprise to the 



146 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Republicans was at least equal to the Democrats' 
disappointment. The defeated Democratic candi- 
date threatened to make a contest for the seat on the 
ground of violence and fraud ; but this was so ri- 
diculous that the managers of his own party would 
not allow him to carry the threat into execution. 



CHAPTER XIV 

INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND THE PRESI- 
DENT REGARDING STATE APPOINTMENTS 

Shortly after I reached Washington in the latter 
part of November, 1875, I called on the President 
to pay my respects, and to see him on business re- 
lating to a Civil Service order that he had recently 
issued, and that some of the Federal office-holders 
had evidently misunderstood. Postmaster Pursell, 
of Summit, an important town in my district, was 
one of that number. He was supposed to be a Re- 
publican, having been appointed as such. But he 
not only refused to take any part in the campaign 
of 1875, but he also declined to contribute a dollar 
to meet the legitimate expenses of that campaign. 
The President's Civil Service order was his excuse. 
According to Pursell's construction of that order, 
Federal office-holders must not only take no part in 
political or party campaigns, but they must make no 
contributions for political purposes. He not only 
said nothing and did nothing in the interest of his 
party in that campaign, but it was believed by some 
that he did not even vote the Republican ticket. 

After paying my respects to the President I 
147 



148 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

brought this case to his attention. I informed him 
that I very much desired to have Postmaster Pur- 
sell removed, and a good Republican appointed in 
his stead. 

"What is the matter with him?" the President 
asked. " Is he not a good postmaster? " 

" Yes," I replied, " there is nothing to be said 
against him, so far as I know, with reference to his 
administration of the office. I only object to him 
on account of politics. He may be, — and no doubt 
is, — a good, capable, and efficient postmaster ; but 
politically he is worthless. From a party point of 
view he is no good. In my opinion, there ought to 
be a man in that office who will not only discharge 
his duties in a creditable manner, but who will also 
be of some service to the party and to the adminis- 
tration under which he serves. In the present post- 
master of the town of Summit we have not such 
a man, but we can and will have one if you will 
appoint the one whose name I now present and for 
whom I ask your favorable consideration. We had, 
as you know, a bitter and desperate struggle. It 
was the very time that we stood sadly in need of 
every man and of every vote. We lost the county 
that Summit is in by a small majority. If an ac- 
tive and aggressive man, such as the one whose 
name I now place before you, had been postmaster 
at Summit, the result in that County might have 
been different. I therefore earnestly recommend 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 149 

that Pursell be removed, and that Mr. Garland be 
appointed to succeed him." 

The President repHed : " You have given good 
and sufficient reasons for a change. Leave with me 
the name of the man you desire to have appointed, 
and his name will be sent to the Senate as soon as 
Congress meets." I cordially thanked the Presi- 
dent, and assured him that he would have no occa- 
sion to regret making the change. In explanation 
of his Civil Service order the President remarked 
that quite a number of office-holders had seemed 
to misunderstand it, although it was plainly worded, 
and, as he thought, not difficult to understand. 
There had never been any serious complaints grow- 
ing out of active participation in political campaigns 
on the part of office-holders, and that it was not, 
and never had been, the purpose of the administra- 
tion, by executive order or otherwise, to limit or re- 
strict any American citizen in the discharge of his 
duties as a citizen, simply because he happened to 
be an office-holder, provided that in so doing he 
did not neglect his official duties. There had, how- 
ever, been serious complaints from many parts of 
the country about the use and abuse of Federal 
patronage in efforts to manipulate party conventions, 
and to dictate and control party nominations. To 
destroy this evil was the primary purpose of the 
civil service order referred to. 

I told the President that his explanation of the 



150 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

order was in harmony with my own construction 
and interpretation of it. That is why I made the 
recommendation for a change in the postmastership 
at Summit. The change was promptly made. I 
then informed the President that there was another 
matter about which I desired to have a short talk 
with him, that was the recent election in Mississippi. 
After calling his attention to the sanguinary struggle 
through which we had passed, and the great dis- 
advantages under which we labored, I reminded 
him of the fact that the Governor, when he saw 
that he could not put down without the assistance 
of the National Administration what was practically 
an insurrection against the State Government, made 
application for assistance in the manner and form 
prescribed by the Constitution, with the confident 
belief that it would be forthcoming. But in this 
we were, for some reason, seriously disappointed and 
sadly surprised. The reason for this action, or 
rather non-action, was still an unexplained mystery 
to us. For my own satisfaction and information 
I should be pleased to have the President enlighten 
me on the subject. 

The President said that he was glad I had asked 
him the question, and that he would take pleasure 
in giving me a frank reply. He said he had sent 
Governor Ames' requisition to the War Department 
with his approval and with instructions to have the 
necessary assistance furnished without delay. He 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 151 

had also given instructions to the Attorney-General 
to use the marshals and the machinery of the Fed- 
eral judiciary as far as possible in cooperation with 
the War Department in an efifort to maintain order 
and to bring about a condition which would insure 
a peaceable and fair election. But before the orders 
were put into execution a committee of prominent 
Republicans from Ohio had called on him. (Ohio 
was then an October State, — that is, her elections 
took place in October instead of November.) An 
important election was then pending in that State. 
This committee, the President stated, protested 
against having the requisition of Governor Ames 
honored. The committee, the President said, in- 
formed him in a most emphatic way that if the 
requisition of Governor Ames were honored, the 
Democrats would not only carry Mississippi, — a 
State which would be lost to the Republicans in any 
event, — but that Democratic success in Ohio would 
be an assured fact. If the requisition were not 
honored it would make no change in the result in 
Mississippi, but that Ohio would be saved to the 
Republicans. The President assured me that it was 
with great reluctance that he yielded, — against his 
own judgment and sense of official duty, — to the 
arguments of this committee, and directed the with- 
drawal of the orders which had been given the Sec- 
retary of War and the Attorney-General in that 
matter. 



152 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

This statement, I confess, surprised me very 
much. 

*' Can it be possible," I asked, " that there is such 
a prevailing sentiment in any State in the North, 
East or West as renders it necessary for a Republi- 
can President to virtually give his sanction to what is 
equivalent to a suspension of the Constitution and 
laws of the land to insure Republican success in such 
a State ? I cannot believe this to be true, the opin- 
ion of the Republican committee from Ohio to 
the contrary notwithstanding. What surprises me 
more, Mr. President, is that you yielded and granted 
this remarkable request. That is not like you. It 
is the first time I have ever known you to show the 
white feather. Instead of granting the request of 
that committee, you should have rebuked the men, 
— told them that it is your duty as chief magistrate 
of the country to enforce the Consitution and laws 
of the land, and to protect American citizens in the 
exercise and enjoyment of their rights, let the con- 
sequences be what they may; and that if by doing 
this Ohio should be lost to the Republicans it ought 
to be lost. In other words, no victory is worth 
having if it is to be brought about upon such condi- 
tions as those, — if it is to be purchased at such a 
fearful cost as was paid in this case." 

" Yes," said the President, " I admit that you are 
right. I should not have yielded. I believed at 
the time that I was making a grave mistake. But 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 153 

as presented, it was duty on one side, and party 
obligation on the other. Between the two I hesi- 
tated, but finally yielded to what was believed to be 
party obligation. If a mistake was made, it was 
one of the head and not of the heart. That my 
heart was right and my intentions good, no one 
who knows me will question. If I had believed that 
any effort on my part would have saved Mississippi 
I would have made it, even if I had been convinced 
that it would have resulted in the loss of Ohio to 
the Republicans. But I was satisfied then, as I am 
now, that Mississippi could not have been saved to 
the party in any event and I wanted to avoid the 
responsibility of the loss of Ohio, in addition. This 
was the turning-point in the case. 

" And while on this subject," the President went 
on, " let us look more closely into the significance of 
this situation. I am very much concerned about the 
future of our country. When the War came to an 
end it was thought that four things had been 
brought about and effectually accomplished as a 
result thereof. They were: first, that slavery had 
been forever abolished ; second, that the indissolubil- 
ity of the Federal Union had been pennanently es- 
tablished and universally recognized ; third, that the 
absolute and independent sovereignty of the several 
States was a thing of the past ; fourth, that a national 
sovereignty had been at last created and established, 
resulting in sufficient power being vested in the 



154 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

general government not only to guarantee to every 
State in the Union a Republican form of govern- 
ment, but to protect, when necessary, the individual 
citizen of the United States in the exercise and en- 
joyment of the rights and privileges to which he is 
entitled under the Constitution and laws of his 
country. In other words, that there had been 
created a National citizenship as distinguished from 
State citizenship, resulting in a paramount allegiance 
to the United States, — the general Government, — 
having ample power to protect its own citizens 
against domestic and personal violence whenever 
the State in which he may live should fail, refuse, 
or neglect to do so. In other words, so far as 
citizens of the United States are concerned, the 
States in the future would only act as agents of the 
general Government in protecting the citizens of the 
United States in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and 
property. This has been my conception of the 
duties of the President, and until recently I have 
pursued that course. //But there seems to be a num- 
ber of leading and influential men in the Republican 
party who take a different view of these matters. 
These men have used and are still using their power 
and influence, not to strengthen but to cripple the 
President and thus prevent him from enforcing the 
Constitution and laws along these lines. They have 
not only used their power and influence to prevent 
and defeat wise and necessary legislation for these 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 155 

purposes, but they have contributed, through the 
medium of public meetings and newspaper and 
magazine articles, to the creation of a public senti- 
ment hostile to the policy of the administration. 
Whatever their motives may be, future mischief of 
a very serious nature is bound to be the result. It 
requires no prophet to foresee that the national 
government will soon be at a great disadvantage and 
that the results of the war of the rebellion will have 
been in a large measure lost. In other words, that 
the first two of the four propositions above stated 
will represent all that will have been accomplished 
as a result of the war, and even they, for the lack 
of power of enforcement in the general government, 
will be largely of a negative character. What you 
have just passed through in the State of Mississippi 
is only the beginning of what is sure to follow. I 
do not wish to create unnecessary alarm, nor to be 
looked upon as a prophet of evil, but it is impossible 
for me to close my eyes in the face of things that are 
as plain to me as the noonday sun." 

It is needless to say that I was deeply interested 
in the President's eloquent and prophetic talk which 
subsequent events have more than fully verified. 



CHAPTER XV 

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1 876 AND ITS 

RESULTS 

The Presidential election was held in 1876. The 
Republicans had carried the country in 1872 by 
such a decisive majority that it indicated many years 
of continued Republican ascendency in the National 
Government. But the severe reverses sustained by 
that party at the polls two years later completely 
changed this situation and outlook. Democrats con- 
fidently expected and Republicans seriously ap- 
prehended that the Presidential election of 1876 
would result in a substantial Democratic victory. 
Mr. Blaine was the leading candidate for the Re- 
publican nomination, but he had bitter opposition in 
the ranks of his own party. That opposition came 
chiefly from friends and supporters of Senator 
Conkling at the North and from Southern Republi- 
cans generally. The opposition of the Conkling 
men to Mr. Blaine was largely personal; while 
southern Republicans were opposed to him on ac- 
count of his having caused the defeat of the Federal 
Elections Bill. The great majority of southern Re- 

156 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 157 

publicans supported Senator Oliver P. Morton of 
Indiana. 

After the National Convention had been organ- 
ized, it looked for a while as if Mr. Blaine's nomi- 
nation was a foregone conclusion. Hon, Edward 
McPherson, of Pennsylvania, — a strong Blaine 
man, — had been made President of the Convention. 
In placing Mr. Blaine's name in nomination, Hon. 
Robert G. Ingersoll of Illinois made such an eloquent 
and effective speech that he came very near carry- 
ing the Convention by storm, and thus securing the 
nomination of the statesman from Maine. But the 
opposition to Mr. Blaine was too well organized to 
allow the Convention to be stampeded, even by the 
power and eloquence of an Ingersoll. It was this 
speech that gave Mr. Ingersoll his national fame 
and brought him to the front as a public speaker and 
lecturer. It was the most eloquent and impressive 
speech that was delivered during the sitting of the 
Convention. After a bitter struggle of many hours, 
and after a number of fruitless ballots, the Conven- 
tion finally nominated Gov. R. B. Hayes, of Ohio, 
as a compromise candidate. This result was 
brought about through a union of the combined op- 
position to Mr. Blaine. Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of 
New York, was nominated for Vice-President and 
the work of the Convention was over. 

The Democrats nominated ex-Governor Samuel 
J. Tilden, of New York, for President, and Thomas 



158 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President. 
Their platform pledged many radical reforms in 
the administration of the government. This ticket 
was made with the hope that it would be successful 
in the doubtful and debatable States of New York, 
New Jersey, Indiana, and Connecticut, which, with 
the Solid South, would constitute a majority of the 
electoral college, even if all the other States should 
go Republican, which was not anticipated. 

That the prospect of Democratic success was ex- 
ceedingly bright and the probability of a Republican 
victory extremely dark, was generally conceded. 
The South was counted upon to be solid in its sup- 
port of the Democratic ticket, for the methods that 
had been successfully inaugurated in Mississippi the 
year before, to overcome a Republican majority of 
more than twenty thousand, were to be introduced 
and adopted in all the other States of that section in 
which conditions were practically the same as in 
Mississippi. 

To msure success, therefore, it was only neces- 
sary for the Democrats to concentrate their ef- 
forts upon the four doubtful States outside of the 
Solid South. Up to a certain point the plan worked 
well. Every indication seemed to point to its suc- 
cessful consummation. As had been anticipated, 
the Democrats were successful in the four doubtful 
Northern States, and they also carried, on the face 
of the returns, every Southern State, just as had been 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 159 

planned; the Mississippi methods having been 
adopted in such of them as had RepubHcan major- 
ities to overcome. Since through those methods 
the Democrats had succeeded in overcoming a large 
Republican majority in Mississippi, there v^as no 
reason why the same methods should not produce 
like results in South Carolina, in Louisiana, and in 
Florida. In fact, it was looked upon as a reflec- 
tion upon the bravery and party loyalty of the De- 
mocracy of those States if they could not do what 
had been done under like conditions in Mississippi. 
Hence those States had to be carried, "peaceably 
and fairly," of course, " but they must be carried 
just the same." Failure to carry them was out of 
the question, because too much was involved. Ac- 
cording to the plans and calculations that had been 
carefully made, no Southern State could be lost. 
While it might be possible to win without all of 
them, still it was not believed to be safe to run any 
such risk, or take any such chance. If the Demo- 
crats should happen to carry a state that was not in- 
cluded in the combination, so much the better. 

Everything seemed to work admirably. That it 
was a plan by which elections could be easily carried, 
with or without votes, had been clearly demon- 
strated. On the face of the returns the majorities 
were brought forth just as had been ordered and 
directed. But it seems that such methods had been 
anticipated by the Republican governments in South 



i6o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida, and that suitable 
steps had been taken to prevent their successful con- 
summation through the medium of State Returning 
Boards. When the Returning Boards had rejected 
and thrown out many of the majorities that had been 
returned from some of the counties and parishes, the 
result was changed, and the Republican candidates 
for Presidential electors were officially declared 
elected. This gave the Republican candidates for 
President and Vice-President a majority of one vote 
in the Electoral College. It has, of course, been 
alleged by many, — and it is believed by some, — 
that the actions of those Returning Boards defeated 
the will of the people as expressed at the polls, thus 
bringing about the seating in the Presidential chair 
of the man that had been fairly and honestly de- 
feated. Yet, no one who is familiar with the facts, 
and who is honest enough to admit them, will deny 
that but for the inauguration in South Carolina, 
Florida, and Louisiana, of the Mississippi methods, 
those three States would have been as safely Republi- 
can at that time and in that election as were the 
States of Pennsylvania and Vermont. But the plans 
of the Democratic managers had been defeated. It 
was hard for them to lose a victory they felt and 
believed to have been won by them, notwithstand- 
ing the extraneous methods that had been employed 
to bring about such results. 



CHAPTER XVI 

EFFECTS OF THE REFORM ADMINISTRATION IN 
MISSISSIPPI 

Because the Democrats carried the election in 
Mississippi in 1875, they did not thereby secure con- 
trol of the State Government. That election was 
for members of the Legislature, members of Con- 
gress and county officers. Only one State officer 
was elected, — a State Treasurer, — to fill the 
vacancy created by the death of Treasurer Holland. 
All the other State officers were Republicans. But 
the Democrats could not afford to wait until Gover- 
nor Ames' term expired. They were determined 
to get immediate control of the State Government. 
There was only one way in which this could be done, 
and that was by impeachment. 

This course they decided to take. It could not 
be truthfully denied that Governor Ames was a 
clean, pure, and honest man. He had given the 
State an excellent administration. The State ju- 
diciary had been kept up to the high standard estab- 
lished by Governor Alcorn. Every dollar of the 
public money had been collected, and honestly ac- 
counted for. The State was in a prosperous condi- 

.161 



i62 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tion. The rate of taxation had been greatly re- 
duced, and there was every prospect of a still further 
reduction before the end of his administration. But 
these facts made no difference to those who were 
flushed with the victory they had so easily won. 
They wanted the offices, and were determined to 
have them, and that, too, without very much delay. 
Hence, impeachment proceedings were immediately 
instituted against the Governor and Lieutenant- 
Governor, — not in the interest of reforni, of good 
government or of low taxes, but simply in order to 
get possession of the State Government. 

The weakness of the case against the Governor 
was shown when it developed that the strongest 
charge against him was that he had entered into an 
alleged corrupt bargain with State Senator Cassidy, 
resulting in Cassidy's appointment as one of the 
Judges of the Chancery Court. Cassidy had been 
elected a member of the State Senate as a Democrat. 
Notwithstanding that fact he voted for Mr. Bruce, 
the Republican caucus nominee for United States 
Senator, and subsequently publicly identified him- 
self with the Republican party. Later his brother, 
William P. Cassidy, and his law partner, Hon. J. 
F. Sessions, did likewise. In 1874 Sessions was 
elected to the State Senate as a Republican to serve 
out the unexpired term of his law partner, Cassidy, 
who had resigned his seat in the Senate upon his ap- 
pointment as a Judge of the Chancery Court. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 163 

Cassidy was a brilliant young man, and an able 
lawyer. That the Governor should have selected 
him for an important judicial position was both 
wise and proper. It was one of his best and most 
creditable appointments and was generally com- 
mended as such when it was made. The fact that 
he had been elected to the State Senate as a Demo- 
crat, and shortly thereafter joined the Republican 
party was made the basis of the charge that his 
change or party affiliation was the result of a cor- 
rupt bargain between the Governor and himself, for 
which the Governor, but not the Judge, should be 
impeached and removed from office. There were 
a few other vague and unimportant charges, but this 
one, as weak as it was, was the strongest of the 
number. 

When the articles of impeachment were presented 
to the House, it was seen that they were so weak 
and so groundless that the Governor believed it 
would be an easy matter for him to discredit them 
even before an antagonistic legislature. With that 
end in view, he employed several of the ablest law- 
yers in the country to represent him. Thy came to 
Jackson and commenced the preparation of the case, 
but it did not take them long to find out that their 
case was a hopeless one. They soon found out to 
their entire satisfaction that it was not to be a judi- 
cial trial, but a political one and that the jury was 
already prepared for conviction without regard to 



i64 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

the law, the Constitution, the evidence, or the facts. 
Governor Ames was to be convicted, not because he 
was guihy of any offense, but because he was in the 
way of complete Democratic control of the State 
Government. 

Personally they had nothing against Ames. It 
was not the man but the office they wanted, and that 
they were determined to have. They knew he had 
committed no offense, but, as matters then stood, be- 
ing a Republican was an offense which justified re- 
moval from office. To punish him otherwise, for 
anything he had done or failed to do, did not at any 
time enter into their calculations. The Governor- 
ship was the prize at stake. In this matter there was 
no concealment of their purposes and intentions. 
As soon as the Governor's legal advisers found out 
what the actual situation was, they saw it was use- 
less to continue the fight. Upon their advice, there- 
fore, the Governor tendered his resignation, which 
was promptly accepted. He then left the State 
never to return again. If the impeachment proceed- 
ings had been instituted in good faith, — upon an 
honest belief that the chief executive had committed 
offenses which merited punishment, — the resigna- 
tion would not have been accepted. The fact that 
it was accepted, — and that, too, without hesitation 
or question, — was equivalent to a confession that 
the purpose of the proceedings was to get possession 
of the office. Short work was made of the Lieu- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 165 

tenant-Governor's case ; and State Senator John M. 
Stone, the Democratic President pro tern, of the 
State Senate, was duly sworn in and installed as the 
acting Governor of the State. Thus terminated a 
long series of questionable acts, the inauguration of 
which had no other purpose than to secure the as- 
cendency of one political party over another in the 
administration of the government of the State. 

The sanguinary revolution in the State of Missis- 
sippi in 1875 was claimed to be in the interest of 
good administration and honest government; it was 
an attempt to wrest the State from the control of dis- 
honest men, — negroes, carpet baggers, and scala- 
wags, — and place it in control of intelligent, pure, 
and honest white men. With that end in view, Geo. 
M. Buchanan, a brave and gallant ex-Confederate 
soldier, was, through questionable and indefensible 
methods, defeated for the office of State Treasurer, 
and Wm. L. Hemmingway was declared elected. 
Yet when the change took place it was found 
that every dollar of the public money was accounted 
for. During the whole period of Republican ad- 
ministration not a dollar had been misappropriated, 
nor had there been a single defalcation, although 
millions of dollars had passed through the hands of 
the fiscal agents of the State and of the different 
counties. 

How was it with the new reform administration? 
Treasurer Hemmingway had been in office only a 



i66 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

compr.ratively short while when the starthng in- 
formation was given out that he was a defaulter 
to the amount of $315,612.19. William L. Hem- 
mingway a defaulter ! Could such a thing be possi- 
ble? Yes, it was an admitted and undisputed fact. 
Mr. Hemmingway had been quite prominent in 
the politics of the State; but those who knew the 
man, and I was one of those, had every reason to 
believe that he was an honest man, and that he was 
the personification of integrity. He was neither a 
speculator nor a gambler. Even after the defalca- 
tion was made known there was nothing to indicate 
that any part of the money had been appropriated 
to his own use. Yet the money had mysteriously 
disappeared. Where was it? Who had it? 
These were questions the people of the State desired 
to have answered, but they have never yet been an- 
swered and, it is safe to say, they never will be. 
Hemmingway no doubt could and can answer those 
questions, but he has not done so and the probabili- 
ties are that he never will. He evidently believed 
that to turn State's evidence would render him more 
culpable than to be guilty of the act which he had 
allowed to be committed. He might have been 
forced to make a confession, or at least been 
compelled to give the prosecution a clue to the real 
criminal or criminals if the prosecution had been in 
charge of persons who could not be suspected of 
being the political beneficiaries of the methods by 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 167 

which it was possible for him to be placed in charge 
of the office. It was hardly reasonable to expect 
such men to make very much of an effort to secure a 
confession. In fact, it seems to have been a relief 
to them to have the accused take the position that 
he alone was the responsible party and that he was 
willing to bear all the blame and assume all the con- 
sequences that would result from the act. The 
names, therefore, of those who were the beneficiaries 
of this remarkable defalcation will, no doubt, remain 
a secret in the bosom of William L. Hemmingway, 
and will be buried with him in his grave. 

Hemmingway was tried, convicted, sentenced and 
served a term in the State Prison; all of which he 
calmly endured rather than give the name of any 
person having connection with that unfortunate 
affair. All the satisfaction that the public can get 
with reference to it, — other than the punishment to 
which Hemmingway was subjected, — is to indulge 
in conjectures about it. One conjecture, and the 
most reasonable and plausible one, is that if Hem- 
mingway had made a full confession it might have 
involved not only some men who were prominent 
and influential, but perhaps the Democratic State 
organization as well. For it was a well-known fact 
that in 1875 "early every Democratic club in the 
State was converted into an armed military com- 
pany. To fully organize, equip, and arm such a 
large body of men required an outlay of a large sum 



i68 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

of money. The money was evidently furnished by 
some persons or through some organization. Those 
who raised the money, or who caused it to be raised, 
no doubt had an eye to the main chance. A patri- 
otic desire to have the State redeemed (?) was not 
with them the actuating motive. When the redemp- 
tion ( ?) of the State was an accomplished fact they, 
no doubt, felt that they were entitled to share in the 
fruits of that redemption. Their idea evidently was 
that the State should be made to pay for its own sal- 
vation and redemption, but the only way in which 
this could be done was to have the people's money in 
the State treasury appropriated for that purpose 
otherwise than by legislative enactment. This, as I 
have already stated, is only a conjecture, but, under 
the circumstances, it is the most reasonable and 
plausible one that can be imagined. 

The case of Treasurer Hemmingway is conclusive 
evidence that in point of efficiency, honesty and 
official integrity the Democratic party had no ad- 
vantage over the party that was placed in power 
chiefly through the votes of colored men. What 
was true of Mississippi in this respect was also true, 
■ — in a measure, at least, — of the other recon- 
structed States. 



CHAPTER XVII 

THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST, THE ELECTORAL. 
COMMISSION 

Although the action of the returning boards in 
South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida, gave Mr. 
Hayes a majority of one vote in the Electoral Col- 
lege, the Democrats, who were largely in the ma- 
jority in the National House of Representatives, 
were evidently not willing to acquiesce in the de- 
clared result, — claiming that Mr. Tilden had been 
fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated. 

Hon. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, — who was 
at that time a member of the House, — delivered 
a fiery speech In which he declared that a hundred 
thousand armed men would march to Washington 
to see that Mr. Tilden was inaugurated. The situ- 
ation for a while looked very grave. It seemed 
as if there would be a dual government, Hayes and 
Tilden each claiming to be the legally elected Presi- 
dent. To prevent this was the problem then 
before Congress and the American people. Con- 
ferences, composed of influential men of both par- 
ties, were being frequently held in different parts 
of the city. 

169 



170 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

The creation of an electoral commission to pass 
upon and decide the disputed points involved was 
finally suggested, and was accepted by a majority 
of both parties. The name of the originator of 
this suggestion has never been made public; but 
it is believed by many that Senator Edmunds, of 
Vermont, was the man, since he was the principal 
champion of the measure in the Senate. Subse- 
quent events appeared to indicate that Hon. Wm. 
M. Evarts of New York, was also an influential 
party to the scheme, if not the originator of it. 
At any rate, no one seemed to have been sufficiently 
proud of it to lay claim to its paternity. It was 
merely a temporary scheme, intended to tide over 
an unpleasant, and perhaps dangerous, condition 
which existing remedies did not fully meet. It 
was equivalent to disposing of the Presidency by 
a game of chance, — for the composition of the pro- 
posed commission was, politically, purely a matter 
of chance. 

As finally agreed upon, the measure provided for 
a commission to be composed of fifteen members, — 
five from the House, five from the Senate, and five 
Justices of the Supreme Court. As the Democrats 
had a majority in the House, it was agreed that 
they should have three, and the Republicans two 
of the five members of that body. Since the Re- 
publicans had a majority In the Senate it was 
agreed that they should have three, and the Demo- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 171 

crats two of the five members of that body. Of 
the five justices of the Supreme Court, two were 
to be RepubHcans and two, Democrats; the fifth 
Justice to be an independent, — or one who was as 
near an independent as could be found on the bench 
of that Court. 

When the bill creating this commission came be- 
fore the House I spoke against it, and voted against 
it, for two reasons. In the first place, I believed 
it was a dangerous precedent to subject the Presi- 
dency of the United States to such a game of chance 
as was contemplated by the bill then under consid- 
eration. Either Hayes or Tilden had been elected, 
and the result ought to be ascertained according 
to legal forms. In the second place, I had a suspi- 
cion that it was the outgrowth of an understanding 
or agreement which would result in the abandon- 
ment of Southern Republicans by the National Ad- 
ministration. 

Mr. Lamar, for instance, did not hesitate to de- 
clare that it was more important that the South 
should have local self-government than that the 
President should be a Democrat. In other words, 
what Southern Democrats wanted was to be let 
alone, — was to have the National Administration 
keep its hands off, and allow them to manage their 
own affairs in their own way, even if that way 
should result in a virtual nullification, in part at least, 
of the War Amendments to the Federal Constitution. 



172 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

I had a suspicion that this concession had been 
granted upon condition that the southern Demo- 
cratic leaders in Congress would consent to the 
creation of the proposed commission, and to the 
ratification of its decision, whatever that decision 
might be. To such a bargain I did not care to be 
even an innocent party. My suspicions were 
strengthened by the fact that the principal opposi- 
tion among Democrats to the creation of the com- 
mission and to the ratification of its decision came 
from northern Democrats, Southern Democrats, 
with a few notable exceptions, not only favored the 
creation of the commission and the ratification of 
its decision, but even the fiery Watterson was in- 
duced to hold his peace and to give expression to 
his righteous indignation through the medium of 
a silent vote. That my suspicions were well 
founded subsequents events more than demon- 
strated. I took the position that Mr. Hayes had 
been legally elected, at least according to the forms 
of law and in the manner prescribed by the Consti- 
tution, — and that he should, therefore, be duly 
inaugurated even if it should be necessary for 
President Grant, as Commander-in-chief of the 
Army, to use the military force of the Government 
for that purpose. I contended that, having been 
thus legally elected, Hayes should not be subjected 
to the chance of losing his title to the office and 
that the incoming President should not be bound 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 173 

by any ante-inauguration pledges, which, in the 
opinion of some, would have a tendency to cast a 
cloud upon his title to the office. But the bill was 
passed and the commission was duly appointed. 

At this point the game of chance turned in favor 
of the Republicans. It was generally understood 
that Justice David Davis, of Illinois, would be the 
fifth Justice to be placed on the commission. He 
was said to be an Independent, — the only member 
of the Supreme Court that could be thus classed 
politically. But, in point of fact, he was more of 
a Democrat than an Independent. Had he been 
made a member of the commission it is more than 
probable that Mr. Tilden, and not Mr. Hayes, 
would have been made President. The Legislature 
of Illinois was at that time engaged in an effort to 
elect a United States Senator. The Legislature 
was composed of about an equal number of Repub- 
licans and Democrats, — three Independents hold- 
ing the balance of power. The Independents at 
length presented the name of Justice David Davis 
as their choice for Senator. In order to make sure 
of the defeat of a Republican, the Democrats 
joined the Independents in the support of Justice 
Davis, which resulted in his election. This took 
place only a few days before the time appointed for 
the selection of the commissioners. 

As soon as it was announced that Justice Davis 
had been elected to the Senate the Republican lead- 



174 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

ers in Congress insisted that he was no longer eligi- 
ble to a seat on the Electoral Commission. This 
was at first strongly combated by the Democrats, 
who contended that the Justice was only a Senator- 
elect, and that he did not cease to be a member of 
the Court until he tendered his resignation as such; 
this he was neither required nor expected to do 
until shortly before the beginning of his term as 
a Senator. But the Republicans pressed their ob- 
jections so strongly that the Democrats were in- 
duced to yield the point, and Justice Bradley was 
selected as the fifth Justice. Next to Davis, Brad- 
ley came as near being an Independent as any mem- 
ber of the Court. Although he had been appointed 
as a Republican by President Grant, — as had Jus- 
tice Davis by President Lincoln, — ^yet he had ren- 
dered several decisions which gave the Democrats 
hope that he might give the deciding vote in their 
favor and thus make Mr. Tilden President. In 
this they were disappointed ; for it turned out that 
the substitution of Bradley for Davis made Hayes 
President of the United States. It would, perhaps, 
be unfair to say that the decisions of the commis- 
sion were rendered regardless of the evidence, the 
law, and the arguments, yet it so happened that 
every important point was decided by a strict party 
vote, — eight to seven. 

In this connection it will not be out of place to 
refer to a scene that was created on the Democratic 



] 



1 



I 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 175 

side of the House by Hon. Ben. Hill, of Georgia. 
Mr. Hill entered the House one afternoon, having 
just returned from the Supreme Court Chamber, 
where the commission was in session. He re- 
marked to one of his colleagues in a low tone that 
he had just returned from where the sessions of 
the commission were being held, and that while 
there the important and valuable information had 
been imparted to him that on a most vital point 
the Democrats could with absolute certainty depend 
upon the vote of Mr. Justice Bradley. 

"Can that be possible?" exclaimed his excited 
and highly elated colleague. 

" Yes," replied Mr. Hill, " there can be no doubt 
about it. I know whereof I speak. It came to me 
through a source that cannot be questioned." 

" Then wait until I can call several of our 
friends," replied his colleague, " I want them to 
hear the good news at the same time it is heard by 
me, so that we can rejoice together." 

Mr. Hill was soon surrounded by an eager, ex- 
cited, and interested group of anxious Democratic 
members. " We are now ready," said his de- 
lighted colleague, whose face was covered with a 
smile of satisfaction, "to hear the good news." 

" Well," replied Mr. Hill, whose manner was 
grave and whose countenance gave every evidence 
of deep emotion, " whenever a motion to adjourn 
is made by a Democratic member of the commis- 



176 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

sion we can safely depend upon the vote of Mr. 
Justice Bradley being cast in the affirmative." 

The heads of the anxious group immediately fell 
in deep disappointment and despair. But, of 
course, they did not fail to see the irony of Mr. 
Hill's remark. It did transpire that whenever a 
motion to adjourn was made by a Democratic mem- 
ber of the commission it was usually carried by a 
vote of eight to seven, — Mr. Justice Bradley vot- 
ing in the affirmative with the Democrats. On no 
other question, however, could they depend on his 
vote. 

The decision of the Electoral Commission was 
finally rendered in favor of Mr. Hayes by a strict 
party vote, — eight to seven. Strong and bitter op- 
position to the approval of the decision was made 
in the House by quite a number of northern Demo- 
crats, but the majority of southern Democrats, 
aided by such northern Democrats as represented 
districts having large commercial interests, — inter- 
ests that are at all times willing to pay any price 
for peace, — • accepted the decision, and Mr. Hayes 
was allowed to be peacefully inaugurated. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

ATTITUDE OF THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION TOWARD 
THE SOUTH 

The new administration had been in power only 
a short while before it became apparent to southern 
Republicans that they had very little to expect from 
this administration. It was generally understood 
that a southern man would be made Postmaster 
General in the new. cabinet, but it was assumed, of 
course, by those, at least, who were not fully in- 
formed about the secret deals and bargains that 
had been entered into as a condition precedent to a 
peaceable inauguration of the new administration, 
— that he would be a Republican. 

Senator Alcorn, of my own State, Mississippi, 
who had just retired from the Senate, had an am- 
bition to occupy that position. I was one to whom 
that fact was made known. I did not hesitate to 
use what little influence I had to have that ambi- 
tion gratified. I was so earnest and persistent in 
pressing his claims and merits upon those who were 
known to be close to the appointing power, that 
I succeeded in finding out definitely and authorita- 
tively the name of the man that had been agreed 

177 



178 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

upon and would, no doubt, be appointed to that 
position. Ex-Senator Key, a Democrat from Ten- 
nessee, was the man. When I informed Senator 
Alcorn of that fact the manifestation of surprise, 
disappointment, and disgust with which he re- 
ceived it can better be imagined than described. 
This was not due so much to the fact that some 
other one than himself had been selected, but to 
the fact that the fortunate man was a Southern 
Democrat. For the first time the Senator became 
convinced that southern Republicans had been 
madeithe subjects of barter and trade in the shuffle 
for the Presidency, and that the sacrifice of south- 
ern Republicans was the price that had to be paid 
for the peaceable inauguration of Mr. Hayes. 
This, in Senator Alcorn's opinion, meant that the 
Republican party in the reconstructed States of the 
South was a thing of the past. There was no hope 
for it in the future. 

" It would have been far better," said the Sena- 
tor, " not only for the Republican party at the 
South but for the country at large, to have allowed 
the Democrats to inaugurate Tilden, and to have 
taken charge of the Government, than to have pur- 
chased Republican victory at such a fearful cost. 
What inducement can a southern white man now 
have for becoming a Republican ? Under the pres- 
ent state of things he will be hated at home, and 
despised abroad. He will be rejected by his old 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 179 

friends and associates, and discountenanced by his 
new ones. He will incur the odium, and merit the 
displeasure and censure of his former friends, as- 
sociates, and companions with no compei;isating ad- 
vantages for the sacrifices thus made." / 

The Senator spoke with deep feeling. He could 
see that his efforts to build up a strong Republican 
party at the South must necessarily fail under such 
conditions, and that it was useless to make any 
further effort in that direction. Under his influ- 
ence and leadership very many of the best and most 
influential white men in his state had identified 
themselves with the Republican party. His efforts 
in that direction would have been continued, in 
spite of the temporary defeat of the party at the 
polls, however severe that defeat might have been, 
if those efforts had been appreciated and appropri- 
ately recognized by the national leaders of the or- 
ganization. But when he saw that not only was 
this not to be done, but that one of those who was 
known to be fully identified with the political per- 
secutors of southern Republicans was to be recog- 
nized, — thus placing the stamp of approval upon 
their work by an administration that was supposed 
to be Republican and therefore opposed to such 
methods, — it was time for southern white men, 
who had been acting with the Republican party and 
for those who may have such action in contempla- 
tion, to stop and seriously consider the situation. 



i8o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

It was now in order for each one of them to 
ask himself the question: ''Can I afford to do 
this?" 

The appointment of a southern Democrat to a 
seat in the Cabinet of a RepubHcan President, espe- 
cially at that particular time, was a crushing blow 
to southern Republicans. It was the straw that 
broke the camel's back. Senator Alcorn was a 
man suitable in every way for the office of Post- 
master-General. He had a commanding presence, 
he was an eloquent speaker, and an able debater, — 
by nature a leader and not a follower. He had 
taken an active part in the politics of his state be- 
fore and after the War. After he identified him- 
self with the Republican party he was ambitious to 
be chiefly instrumental in building up a strong 
party in his State and throughout the South which 
would not only recognize merit in the colored peo- 
ple and accord absolute justice and fair play to 
them, but which would include in its membership a 
large percentage, if not a majority, of the best and 
most substantial white men of that section. 

That he had made splendid progress along those 
lines cannot be denied. The announced southern 
policy of the Hayes administration not only com- 
pleted the destruction of what had been thus ac- 
complished, but it made any further progress in 
that direction absolutely impossible. The selec- 
tion of ex-Senator Key was, however, not the only 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION i8i 

Cabinet appointment which clearly indicated the 
southern policy of the administration. There were 
two others, — those of William M. Evarts and 
Carl Schurz. Those men had been prominent 
in their bitter opposition to the southern policy of 
President Grant. Mr. Schurz had been one of the 
leaders in the Greeley movement against President 
Grant and the Republican party in 1872, while Mr. 
Evarts was later the principal speaker at a public 
indignation meeting that was held at New York to 
denounce the southern policy of the Grant adminis- 
tration. In fact, John Sherman was the only one 
of the Cabinet ministers that had a positive national 
standing, and even his brilliant star was somewhat 
marred on account of the impression that, as one 
of the Hayes managers, he had been a party to 
the deals and agreements that had been made and 
entered into as a condition precedent to the peace- 
able induction of Mr. Hayes into office. It was 
known, or at any rate believed, that Mr. Sherman's 
appointment as Secretary of the Treasury was for 
the one specific purpose of bringing about the re- 
sumption of specie payments. He was the author 
of the act which fixed the date when specie pay- 
ments should be resumed. He had the reputation 
of being one of the ablest financiers the country 
had produced. That he should be named to carry 
into effect the act of which he was the author was to 
be expected. For the reasons above stated, it was 



i82 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

the one Cabinet appointment that met with general 
approval. 

It was soon seen, however, that the Cabinet was 
so constructed as to make it harmonize with the 
southern policy of the administration. It was not 
long before the announcement was officially made 
in prolix sentences, of which Secretary Evarts was 
no doubt the author, that the army could not and 
would not be used to uphold and sustain any State 
Government in an effort to maintain its supremacy 
and enforce obedience to its mandates. In other 
words, it was a public announcement of the fact 
that if there should be an armed revolt in a State 
against the lawful State Government which would be 
strong enough to seize and take possession of that 
government, the National Goivernment would refuse 
to interfere, even though a request for assistance 
should be made by the Chief Executive of the State 
in the manner and form prescribed by the Constitu- 
tion. I have never believed that this policy, — 
which was meant, of course, for the South, — was 
in harmony with Mr. Hayes' personal convictions; 
especially in view of his public utterances during 
the progress of the campaign and immediately after 
the announcement had been made that he had been 
defeated. But he no doubt asked himself the ques- 
tion : " What can I do ? " This is what he had 
been bound to do, by his managers through the 
medium of an ante-inauguration pledge, which he 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 185 

felt in honor bound to respect. Mr. Hayes was not 
a man of sufficient force of character to disregard 
and repudiate such a pledge or bargain. Had he 
been a Napoleon, or even an Andrew Jackson, he 
would have declared that no man or set of men had 
any authority to make for him any ante-inaugura- 
tion pledge, promise, or bargain by which he would 
be bound as chief magistrate of the country. To 
the contrary, he would have openly and publicly 
declared : 

" I am President, or I am not. That I am the 
legally elected President is a recognized and undis- 
puted fact, and, as such, I shall neither recognize 
nor respect any pledge, promise or bargain which 
involves dishonor on my part or acquiescence in 
the suspension, violation or evasion of the Constitu- 
tion or of any law made in pursuance thereof. As 
President of the United States I have taken and 
subscribed to an oath by which I am bound to up- 
hold the Constitution of my country, and to see that 
the laws are duly executed and enforced. That 
oath I am determined to respect and honor. I 
shall not only do all in my power to see that the 
Constitution and the laws of the land are obeyed 
and enforced, — both in letter and in spirit, — but 
it is also my determination to see that every Ameri- 
can citizen is protected in the exercise and enjoy- 
ment of his rights, as far as it may be in the power 
of the President to protect him." Such a declara- 



i84 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tion, accompanied by an honest effort to carry the 
same into effect, even if he had been unsuccessful, 
would have carried the name of R. B. Hayes down 
in history as one of the greatest and most brilliant 
statesmen our country had ever produced. But, 
he was not equal to the occasion, and therefore 
failed to take advantage of such a golden oppor- 
tunity. On the contrary, he decided to live up to 
and carry out to the very letter, every pledge, 
promise, agreement or bargain that had been made 
in his behalf, which involved the dishonor of his 
own name and the disgrace of his country. Pack- 
ard, for Governor of Louisiana, and Chamberlain, 
for Governor of South Carolina, were voted for at 
the same time that the Hayes electors were voted 
for in their respective States. Each of these can- 
didates polled a much larger vote than that of the 
Hayes electors. If, therefore, Mr. Hayes was le- 
gally or mortally entitled to the electoral votes of 
those States, without which he could not have been 
elected, those men were entitled to be recognized 
and supported as Governor of their respective 
States. But it was a well-known fact that without 
the support and backing of the National Adminis- 
tration at that particular time, they could not main- 
tain and enforce their authority against the organ- 
ization of the Democratic party. The public an- 
nouncement of the southern policy of the National 
Administration put an effectual end to any further 



I 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 185 

effort on the part of either Packard or Chamber- 
lain. The Administration not only deserted and 
abandoned those two men and the party for which 
they had so bravely and so gallantly stood, but it 
allowed the very men whose votes made Mr. Hayes 
President to be harassed and persecuted for what 
they had done in that direction. After Packard 
surrendered to the inevitable he was tendered a po- 
sition in the foreign service, which he accepted. 
When Chamberlain was forced to abandon the 
hopeless struggle in South Carolina, he moved to 
New York and engaged in the practice of law. Po- 
litically he affiliated with the Democratic party un- 
til his death. 



CHAPTER XIX 

QUESTION OF THE VALIDITY OF SENATOR LAMAR's 
ELECTION 

Mr. Blaine had been elected to the United States 
Senate from Maine, his term beginning March 4th, 
1877. The term for which Mr, Lamar, of Missis- 
sippi, had been elected, commenced at the same 
time. It was not possible to have a Congressional 
investigation of the Mississippi election of 1875 
unless the same should be ordered by the Senate, — 
the Republicans having a small majority in that 
body. Each House being the sole judge of the 
elections and qualifications of its own members, 
the Senate could, of course, have Mr. Lamar's 
credentials referred to the Committee of Privileges 
and Elections, with instructions to make an in- 
vestigation of the methods used to carry the elec- 
tion. This committee would ascertain and report 
whether or not there had been a legal and valid 
election in that State, and, pending the investiga- 
tion and report by the committee and the dis- 
position of the same by the Senate, the seat to 
which Mr. Lamar had been elected would re- 
main vacant. As the result of a number of 

186 



I 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 187 

conferences between Republican Senators and rep- 
resentative Mississippi Republicans, this course was 
decided upon as the one to be pursued. But, in 
order to do this, the Senate must have something 
upon which to base its contemplated action. It 
could not be expected to take official notice of ru- 
mors or newspaper reports of what had taken 
place. It was therefore decided that a memorial 
should be drawn up and signed by a number of 
reputable and well-known citizens of the State, 
making specific allegations with reference to that 
election, and concluding with a request that a thor- 
ough investigation be made before the Senator, 
chosen by the Legislature that had been brought 
into existence by that election, could be admitted 
to the Senate. 

In support of this contemplated action there had 
been a number of precedents, — the recent case of 
Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, being one of them. 
It fell to my lot to draw up the memorial. It was 
to be presented to the Senate and championed in 
that body by Senator Morton, of Indiana. The Re- 
publican majority in the Senate was small. The 
Democrats, of course, would bitterly oppose the 
Morton motion. To make sure of its adoption the 
affirmative vote of nearly every Republican Sena- 
tor was necessary. At any rate there could be no 
serious defection in the Republican ranks, other- 
wise the Morton proposition could not prevail. 



i88 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

That anyone on the Republican side would oppose 
it was not anticipated, for every one that had been 
approached expressed his intention of supporting it. 
No one of the newly elected Senators had been ap- 
proached. It was not deemed necessary. It was 
not anticipated that any one of them would do other- 
wise than support the program that had been 
agreed upon by the older members of the Senate. 
Senator Morton was to submit the memorial and 
make the motion when the name of Mr. Lamar 
was called to take the oath of office. 

The names of the States were called in alphabeti- 
cal order, about three being called at a time. 
Maine was reached before Mississippi, and Mr. 
Blaine was duly sworn in as a Senator from that 
State. No one expected that he would do other- 
wise than support the program that had been 
agreed upon, but, contrary to expectations, as soon 
as Mississippi was called Mr. Blaine was on his 
feet, demanding recognition. Of course he was 
recognized by the chair. He made a motion that 
Mr. Lamar be sworn in prima facie as the Senator 
from Mississippi. His contention was that, since 
his credentials were regular, the Senator-elect 
should be sworn in; and if there should be any 
question about the legality of the election it could 
be made the subject of a subsequent investigation. 

This unexpected action on the part of Mr. Blaine 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 189 

took everyone by surprise, with the possible excep- 
tion of Mr. Lamar, who, no doubt, was well aware 
of what was in contemplation. It produced con- 
sternation and caused a panic among the Republi- 
can leaders in the Senate. Hurried and excited 
conferences were being held while the subject was 
being debated. For the seriousness of the situa- 
tion was recognized. Mr. Blaine's defection meant 
the defeat of the Morton motion should it be made, 
and the adoption of the Blaine motion by the solid 
vote of the Democrats, to which would be added a 
small minority of the Republicans. This division 
in the ranks of the party at the beginning of the 
Hayes administration had to be avoided if possible. 
That Mr. Blaine should recede from his position 
was, of course, out of the question. Nothing, 
therefore, remained to be done but for Senator 
Morton to refrain from making his motion; for a 
hurried canvass of the Senate had revealed the fact 
that the motion, if made and brought to a vote, 
would be defeated, and the effect of such a defeat 
would be worse than if the motion had not been 
made. So the Blaine motion was allowed to go by 
default, and Mr. Lamar was duly sworn in as a 
Senator from Mississippi. Of course it was well 
known at the time by many, — Mr. Blaine among 
the number, — that this ended the controversy and 
that no subsequent investigation would be made. 



I90 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

That Mr. Blaine was sadly and seriously disap- 
pointed at the result of his action in this case, as 
well as in his action in defeating the Federal Elec- 
tions Bill, will be made clear in subsequent chap- 
ters. 



CHAPTER XX 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880. 

NOMINATION OF THE COMPROMISE 

CANDIDATE, GARFIELD 

Since the indications were that the Democrats 
would be successful in the Congressional elec- 
tions of 1878, the election in the " shoe-string dis- 
trict " that year was allowed to go by default. 

In 1880, the year of the Presidential election, I 
decided that I would again measure arms with 
Chalmers for Representative in Congress from that 
district. It was practically a well-settled fact that 
there was to be a bitter fight for the Republican 
Presidential nomination that year. There were 
three prominent candidates in the field for the nomi- 
nation, — James G. Blaine, U. S. Grant, and John 
Sherman. Grant was especially strong with south- 
ern Republicans, while Blaine had very little support 
in that section. Sherman was well thought of on 
account of the splendid record he had made as a 
member of the United States Senate, and, in ad- 
dition to that, he had the influence and the sup- 
port of the National Administration, of which he 
was a member, — being at that time Secretary of 
the Treasury. 

191 



192 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

In the State of Mississippi Bruce, Hill and I, — 
the three leading colored men, — had formed an of- 
fensive and defensive alliance. Bruce was United 
States Senator, which position he had secured 
largely through the influence and active support of 
myself and Hill, — of Hill especially, since he 
was on the ground at the time of the election, which 
enabled him to take personal charge of the cam- 
paign before the Legislature in the interest of Mr. 
Bruce. 

Hill had been elected Secretary of State on the 
ticket with Ames in 1873 ^"d, after the expiration 
of his term, was, through the influence and support 
of Bri}ce and myself, made Collector of Internal 
Revenue for the State of Mississippi. The oflice 
of Secretary of State, to which he was elected in 
1873, was one that the Democrats did not take pos- 
session of in 1876. Unlike the Governor and 
Lieutenant-Governor, the removal of the incum- 
bent was not necessary to put that party in pos- 
session of the State Government. 

I, Lynch, was at that time a member of the 
National House of Representatives, which position 
I was able to retain for a long time with the active 
assistance and support of Bruce and Hill, — espe- 
cially of Bruce. 

That we three should work in perfect political 
harmony was both natural and proper, since, in 
doing so, we protected our own interests and se- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 193 

cured for ourselves, and for our friends and sup- 
porters, appropriate official recognition. At nearly 
every State convention either Bruce or I was made 
chaimian of the convention, with Hill as floor 
manager. 

The State committee was organized and con- 
trolled in the same way. Through that thorough 
and effective organization I was Chairman of the 
Republican State Committee from 1881 to 1892, 
and I could have retained it longer had I consented 
to serve; notwithstanding the dissolution of the 
combination, which took place about that time, as 
wnll be shown and explained later. 

There was a faction in the party that was opposed 
to the leadership of these three influential colored 
men, but it was never strong enough to organize 
or control a State Convention as long as we three 
worked in union. While this union had the effect 
of keeping us at the front as recognized leaders of 
the party it could not be said it was detrimental 
to the party organization, for the reason that un- 
der that leadership the organization never failed 
to support the men that the party believed to be 
the strongest. In other words, while we used the 
party machinery to prevent our own political ex- 
tinction we never allowed our own ambitions to 
conflict with what was believed by other influential 
members of the party to be for the best interest of 
the organization. 



194 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

It looked for a while as if the State Convention 
of 1880 would result in a dissolution of this combi- 
nation which had so successfully controlled the 
party organization in the State so many years. 
Bruce and Hill were supporters of Secretary Sher- 
man for the Republican Presidential nomination, 
while I was favorable to the candidacy of ex-Presi- 
dent Grant. That Grant was the choice of a large 
majority of the Republicans of the State could not 
be truthfully denied. Mr. Bruce was the Republi- 
can United States Senator in harmony with the ad- 
ministration. Mr. Hill was an office-holder under 
that administration, and Secretary Sherman was 
believed to be the administration candidate for the 
nomination. 

As soon as the fact was developed that Bruce 
and Hill were for Sherman and that I was for 
Grant, the faction which had always opposed and 
fought the leadership of the Bruce-Lynch-Hill com- 
bination took up the fight for Grant, with the 
determination to take advantage of Grant's 
strength and popularity in order to secure control 
of the party machinery. It was this that prevented 
at that time a dissolution of the Bruce-Hill-Lynch 
combination. The situation with which we were 
confronted made it necessary for the three to come 
together and, in a spirit of concession, agree upon 
a common line of action. Upon the suggestion 
of Mr. Bruce a conference soon took place at which 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 195 

I agreed that, since it was my purpose to be a candi- 
date for the Congressional nomination in the Sixth 
or " shoe-string district," I would not be a candidate 
for delegate to the National Convention, but that I 
would support Bruce and Hill as delegates from 
the State at large, with the understanding that, if 
at any time Sherman's name should be withdrawn 
and Grant's nomination were possible, they should 
support Grant. It was further agreed that I should 
support the Bruce-Lynch-Hill combination in the 
fight for the organization of the State Convention, 
but that I should be at liberty to use my influence 
for the election of Grant men as delegates other 
than Bruce and Hill. 

At the conclusion of this conference I made pub- 
lic announcement of the fact that, since it was my 
purpose to become a candidate for Congress in the 
Sixth or " shoe-string district," I would not be a 
candidate for delegate to the National Convention 
but would give my support to Bruce and Hill, for 
two of the four places on the delegation from the 
State at large, with the understanding that the dele- 
gation, if controlled by them, would not be hostile 
to Grant. I had reasons to know that Mr. Bruce, 
in consequence of his cordial relations with Senator 
Conkling, — the national leader of the Grant forces, 
— was not unfriendly to Grant, and that he would 
use his influence to prevent the delegation from go- 
ing into any combination for the sole purpose of 



196 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

defeating the nomination of Grant. In other 
words, Grant was Bruce's second choice for the 
nomination. 

The fight for the delegation was waged with a 
good deal of heat and bitlcrncss. Ilie canvass 
had not progressed very far before it was developed 
that Grant was much stronger than the faction by 
which he was being supported. Tlie fight was so 
bitter, and the delegates to the State Convention 
were so evenly divided, that the result was the 
election of a conijjroniise delegation which was 
alx)ut evenly divided between Grant and Sherman. 
Bruce and Hill were among those that were elected. 
The National Convention, which was held in Chi- 
cago in June of that year, was one of the most ex- 
citing and interesting in the history of the party. 
It was that convention that abolished what was 
known as " the unit rule." Up to that time the 
right of a State Convention to elect all the delegates 
to which the State was entitled, — district as well as 
State, — and to instruct them as a body had never 
before been questioned. New York, as well as 
other States, had instructed the delegates to cast the 
entire vote of the State for Grant. This was the 
unit rule. It is a rule which even now is enforced 
in National Conventions of the Democratic party. 
It was through the enforcement of this rule that 
Mr. Cleveland was renominated, when he was so 
bitterly opposed by a portion of the delegation from 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 197 

his own State, — especially the Tammany delegates, 
— that General Bragg was moved to make the cele- 
brated declaration that he " loved Mr. Cleveland on 
account of the enemies he had made." Notwith- 
standing the fact that those delegates were strongly 
opposed to Mr. Cleveland, and though they pro- 
tested against having their votes recorded for him, 
they were so recorded through the application and 
enforcement of the unit rule. It was the enforce- 
ment of this rule upon which Mr. Conkling insisted 
in the National Republican Convention of 1880. 
About twenty of the New York district delegates, 
under the leadership of Judge W. H. Robertson, 
refused to be governed by the instructions of the 
State Convention. Their contention was that the 
State Convention had no right to bind by instruc- 
tions any delegates except the four from the State 
at large. After a lengthy and heated debate the 
convention finally sustained this contention, and 
since that time the unit rule has not been recog- 
nized in a National Republican Convention. 

This action, no doubt, resulted in the defeat of 
General Grant for the nomination ; for it was a 
well-known fact that his nomination was possible 
only through the enforcement of the unit rule. His 
friends and supporters, however, under the leader- 
ship of Senator Conkling, made a strong and des- 
perate fight with the hope that the tide might 
ultimately turn in their favor, but with the inten- 



198 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tion, in any event, of preventing if possible the 
nomination of Mr. Blaine. General Grant's name 
was placed before the Convention by Senator Conk- 
ling in one of his most eloquent and masterly ef- 
forts. 

" The man whose name I shall place in nomina- 
tion," he said, " does not hail from any particular 
State; he hails from the United States. It is not 
necessary to nominate a man that can carry Michi- 
gan. Any Republican can carry Michigan. You 
should nominate a man that can carry New York. 
That man is U. S. Grant." 

Mr. Blaine's name was placed in nomination by a 
delegate from Michigan by the name of Joy. His 
efifort did not come up to public expectation. The 
eloquent speech of Senator Frye, of Maine, who 
seconded the nomination, made up in part for the 
public disappointment in Mr. Joy's effort. The 
name of Secretary John Sherman was placed before 
the Convention in one of General Garfield's most 
powerful and convincing efforts. It is safe to say 
that the speech delivered by General Garfield on that 
occasion made him the nominee of that convention. 
After drawing an eloquent and vivid picture of the 
kind of man that should be made President, — with 
the intention of naming John Sherman as the man 
thus described, — he asked in a tone of voice that 
was pitched in a high key: 

"Who is that man?" 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 199 

The response came from different parts of the 
hall, " Garfield." 

And sure enough it was Garfield. After a num- 
ber of fruitless ballots it became apparent that 
neither of the three leading candidates could pos- 
sibly be nominated. Very few, if any, of the Grant 
men would at any time go to either Blaine or Sher- 
man. Very few, if any, of the Sherman, men would 
go to Blaine, while Blaine men could not in any con- 
siderable numbers, be induced to go either to Grant 
or Sherman. While a number of Shcnnan men 
would have supported Grant in preference to 
Blaine, there were not enough of them, even with 
the Grant men, to constitute a majority. When 
Garfield's name was suggested as a compromise 
candidate he was found to be acceptable to both the 
Blaine and the Sherman men as well as to some of 
the Grant men, who had abandoned all hope of 
Grant's nomination. The result was that Garfield 
was finally made the unanimous choice of the con- 
vention. The New York delegation, being allowed 
to name the man for Vice-President, nominated 
Chester A. Arthur, of that State. 

Although General Garfield was nominated as a 
compromise candidate his election was by no means 
a foregone conclusion. The Democrats had nomi- 
nated a strong and popular man, General W. S. 
Hancock, one of the most brilliant and successful 
generals in the Union Army. Associated on the 



200 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

ticket with him was a popular Indiana Democrat, 
William H. English. It looked for a while as if 
Democratic success were reasonably certain, espe- 
cially after the September State and Congressional 
elections in the State of Maine, the result of which 
was virtually a Democratic victory. 

What was known as the celebrated Mentor Con- 
ference then took place. Mentor was the home of 
General Garfield. The conference consisted of 
General Garfield, General Grant, and Senator 
Conkling. Who was instrumental in bringing that 
conference into existence perhaps will never be 
known, and what was actually said and done on that 
occasion will, no doubt, remain a mystery. But it 
resulted in bringing the Grant-Conkling wing of 
the party, — which up to that time had been luke- 
warm and indifferent, — into the active and aggres- 
sive support of the ticket. Senator Conkling 
immediately took the stump and made a brilliant 
and successful campaign, not only in New York 
but also m the other close and doubtful States. 
The result was that Garfield carried New York by 
a majority of about twenty thousand and was 
elected. Without New York he would have been 
defeated ; for the South this time was unquestion- 
ably solid in its support of the Democratic ticket; 
at least, according to the forms of law. It was 
not necessary to resort to the questionable expedi- 
ent of an electoral commission to determine the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 201 

result of that election. It is safe to say that, but 
for the active support given the ticket in that cam- 
paign by General Grant and Senator Conkling, New 
York would have been lost to the party and Garfield 
would have been defeated. With the election of 
Garfield the National House of Representatives 
was also Republican. The majority was small, but 
it was large enough to enable the party to organize 
the House. The Garfield administration started 
out under very favorable auspices. How it ended 
will be told in another chapter. 



CHAPTER XXI 

STORY OF THE MISUNDERSTANDING BETWEEN 
GARFIELD AND CONKLING 

The Garfield Administration, as I have said, 
started out under most favorable auspices. Mr. 
Conkling took an active part in the Senate as a 
champion and spokesman of the administration. 
He seemed to have taken it for granted, that, — al- 
though his bitter enemy, Mr. Blaine, was Secretary 
of State, — his own influence with the administra- 
tion would be potential. In conversation with his 
personal friends he insisted that this was a part of 
the agreement that had been entered into at the 
famous Mentor Conference, about which so much 
had been said and published. If it were true that 
Mr. Conkling's control of the Federal patronage in 
New York in the event of Republican success was 
a part of that agreement, it transpired that Mr. 
Blaine had sufficient influence with the President to 
bring about its repudiation. 

It is a fact well known that the President was 
anxious to avoid a break with Senator Conkling. 
Judge W. H. Robe.rtson, who was a candidate for 
the Collectorship of the port of New York was 

202 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 203^ 

trongly supported by Mr. Blaine. Judge Robert- 
;on had been one of the influential leaders of the 
31aine movement in New York. It was he who 
lad disregarded the action of the State Convention 
.n instructing the delegates to cast the vote of the 
State as a unit for General Grant. In bolting the 
iction of the State Convention Judge Robertson 
:arried about nineteen other delegates with him over 
'o Mr. Blaine. Therefore Mr. Blaine insisted upon 
the appointment of Judge Robertson to the Col- 
lectorship of the port at New York. Senator 
Conkling would not consent under any circum- 
stances to this appointment. Mr. Blaine, it ap- 
pears, succeeded in convincing the President that, 
but for Judge Robertson's action, his, Garfield's, 
nomination would have been impossible and that 
consequently it would be base ingratitude not to 
appoint Robertson to the position for which he was 
an applicant. Mr. Blaine contended that the ad- 
ministration would not only be guilty of ingratitude 
should it refuse to appoint his candidate, but that it 
would thereby allow itself to be the medium 
through which this man was to be punished for 
his action in making the existence of the adminis- 
tration possible. 

" Can you, Mr. President, afford to do such a 
thing as this?" asked Mr. Blaine. 

To which the President gave a negative answer. 
Perhaps it did not occur to Mr. Blaine at that time 



204 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

that, while the action of Judge Robertson may have 
made the nomination of Mr. Garfield possible, the 
subsequent action of Senator Conkling made his 
election possible. But, notwithstanding this, the 
President decided that Judge Robertson should 
have the office for which he was an applicant. 

As previously stated, however, the President was 
anxious to avoid a break with Senator Conkling. 
To get the Senator to consent to the appointment 
of Judge Robertson was the task the President had 
before him. With that end in view the President 
invited Mr. Conkling to a private conference, at 
which he expressed a willingness to allow the New 
York Senator to name every important Federal 
officer in New York except the Collector of the 
Port, if he would consent to the appointment of 
Judge Robertson to that office. But the only con- 
cession Senator Conkling was willing to make was 
to give his consent to the appointment of Judge 
Robertson to any position in the foreign service. 
This was not satisfactory, hence the conference was 
a failure. The President was thus placed in a very 
disagreeable dilemma, being thus forced, very much 
against his inclination, to take a decided stand in a 
very unpleasant controversy. He was thus forced 
to choose between Mr. Blaine, his own Secretary 
of State, on one side, and Senator Conkling on the 
other. To one he felt that he was indebted for his 
nomination. To the other he believed that his elec- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 205 

ion was largely due. It was asserted by some who 
/vere in a position to know that, if the President 
lad taken sides with Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine 
A^ould have immediately tendered his resignation, 
md thus would have severed his official connection 
vith the administration. While no intimation of 
:his was made known to the President, yet he no 
ioubt believed, in consequence of the deep and in- 
:ense interest Mr. Blaine had shown in the matter, 
:hat such action on his part, in the event of an ad- 
/erse decision, was more than probable. When 
:he President saw that there was no escape, — that 
le was obliged to take a decided stand one way or 
:he other, — he decided to sustain the contention of 
lis Secretary of State. Consequently, after the 
fruitless conference between the President and 
Senator Conkling, the name of Judge Robertson 
for Collector of the port at New York, was sent 
:o the Senate. Senator Conkling, joined by his 
:olleague. Senator Piatt, at first made an effort to 
bave the nomination rejected, but the other Repub- 
lican Senators were not willing to place themselves 
in open opposition to the administration. When 
the fact was developed that the nomination would 
be confirmed. Senators Conkling and Piatt immedi- 
ately tendered their resignations. 

This in my opinion was a grave blunder on their 
part, as subsequent events more than proved. They 
bad before them the example of Senator Sumner, 



2o6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

by which they should have profited. Senator Sum- 
ner was greatly humiliated, when, through the in- 
fluence of the administration, he was supplanted by 
Senator Cameron as Chairman of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations on account of a mis- 
understanding with President Grant, growing out 
of the effort on the part of the administration to 
bring about the annexation of Santo Domingo, to 
which Senator Sumner was bitterly opposed. Yet 
he did not, — because he was thus, as he felt, un- 
justly humiliated, — resign his seat in the Senate. 
He realized that while he was commissioned to 
speak for his own State, his great power and im- 
mense influence were not confined solely to that 
particular State. He appreciated the fact that 
when he spoke and voted as a Senator, he did so, 
not merely as a Senator from the State of Massa- 
chusetts, but as a Senator of the United States. 
He belonged to no one State, but to the United 
States. He had, — on account of his great intellect, 
power, influence, and ability, — long since ceased to 
be the spokesman and representative of any par- 
ticular State or section; he was a representative of 
his country — recognized as such throughout the 
civilized world. Knowing these things to be true 
Sumner did not feel that he should deprive the 
people of his valuable services simply because he 
was not in harmony with the administration upon 
some one matter, however important that matter 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 207 

might be. In this Senator Sumner was unquestion- 
ably right. 

What, then, was true of Senator Sumner was 
equally true of Senators Conkling and Piatt in their 
misunderstanding with President Garfield about the 
Collectorship of the port of New York. 

Mr. Conkling was one of the greatest men our 
country had ever produced. He was a man of 
much influence and great power. He was not only 
an intellectual giant, but he was a man of command- 
ing presence and attractive personality. As an 
orator he had few equals and no superiors. As in 
the case of Senator Sumner he spoke and voted as 
a Senator not merely for his State, but for his 
country; not for any particular section or locality, 
but for the United States. He was too great a 
man, and his services were too important and val- 
uable for his country to be deprived of them merely 
on account of a misunderstanding between the 
President and himself about Federal patronage in 
New York. He and his colleague should have re- 
tained their seats in the Senate and trusted to the 
judgment of their fellow-citizens for a vindication 
of their course and action in that as in other mat- 
ters. They not only made a mistake in resigning 
their seats in the Senate, but consummated it when 
they went before the Legislature of their State, 
which was then in session, and asked for a vindica- 
tion through the medium of reelection. This was 



2o8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

subjecting their friends to a test to which they were 
not willing to submit. Their friends, both in the 
Legislature and out of it, were loyal to them, and 
this loyalty would have been demonstrated at the 
proper time and in the right way had the two Sena- 
tors remained in a position which would have en- 
abled their adherents to do so without serious in- 
jury to the party organization. But when these 
men were asked, as the price of their loyalty, to 
place the party organization in the State in open 
opposition to the National Administration for no 
other reason than a misunderstanding about Federal 
patronage in the city of New York, they did not 
think that the controversy was worth the price; 
hence the request was denied. The result was the 
defeat of Conkling and Piatt, and the election of 
two Administration Republicans, Warner Miller 
and E. G. Lapham. 

This foolhardy act of Conkling's had the un- 
fortunate effect of eliminating him from public 
life, at least so far as an active participation in 
public affairs was concerned. But this was not true 
of Mr. Piatt. He was determined to come to the 
front again, and in this he was successful. At the 
very next National Convention (1884) he turned up 
as one of the Blaine delegates from New York, 
and was one of the speakers that seconded Mr. 
Blaine's nomination. That was something Mr. 
Conkling never could have been induced to do. He 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 209 

was proud, haughty and dictatorial. He would 
never forget a friend, nor forgive an enemy. To 
his friends he was loyal and true. To his enemies 
he was bitter and unrelenting. For his friends he 
could not do too much. From his enemies he 
would ask no quarter and would give none. More 
than one man of national reputation has been made 
to feel his power, and suffer the consequences re- 
sulting from his ill-will and displeasure. But for 
the unfriendliness of Mr. Conkling, Mr. Blaine no 
doubt would have attained the acme of his ambi- 
tion in reaching the Presidency of the United 
States. It was Mr. Blaine's misfortune to have 
made an enemy of the one man who, by a stroke 
of destiny, was so situated as to make it possible for 
him to prevent the realization of Mr. Blaine's life 
ambition. It was due more to Mr. Conkling than 
to any other one man that Mr. Blaine was defeated 
for the Republican Presidential nomination in 
1876, — the year in which he could have been elected 
had he been nominated. 

Mr. Conkling was too much of a party man to 
support the Democratic ticket under any circum- 
stances, hence, in 1884, when Air. Blaine was at 
length nominated for the Presidency, Mr. Conkling 
gave the ticket the benefit of his silence. That 
silence proved to be fatal. In consequence of Mr. 
Conkling's silence and apparent indifference in 
1884, Mr. Blaine lost New York, the pivotal State, 



210 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

and was defeated by Mr. Cleveland for the Presi- 
dency. The falling off in the Republican vote in 
Mr. Conkling's home county alone caused the loss 
of the State and of the Presidency of the United 
States to the Republican party. 

The quarrel between Blaine and Conkling origi- 
nated when both of them were members of the 
House of Representatives. In a controversy that 
took place between them on the floor of the House 
Mr. Blaine referred to Mr. Conkling as the member 
from New York with the " turkey gobbler strut." 
That remark made the two men enemies for life. 
That remark wounded Mr. Conkling's pride; and 
he could never be induced to forgive the one who 
had so hurt him. 

As a United States Senator Conkling was both 
felt and feared. No Senator ever desired to get 
into a controversy with him, because he was not 
only a speaker of great power and eloquence, but as 
a debater he was cutting and scathing in his irony. 
Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, who as an eloquent 
orator compared favorably with the best on both 
sides of the Chamber, had the misfortune to get 
Into a controversy on one occasion with the dis- 
tinguished New York Senator. In repelling an ac- 
cusation that the Senator from Mississippi had made 
against him, Mr. Conkling said : " If it were not 
that this is the United States Senate I would charac- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 211 

terize the member from Mississippi as a coward 
and a prevaricator." 

If those words had been uttered by any other 
Senator than Roscoe Conkling it is more than prob- 
able that he would have been severely reprimanded; 
no other Senator, however, cared to incur Conk- 
ling's displeasure by becoming the author of a reso- 
lution for that purpose. 

Senator John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, was the only 
other Senator that ever came near holding a similar 
position ; for, while he was by no means the equal 
of Conkling, he was both eloquent and sarcastic. 
For that reason Senators were not anxious to get 
into a controversy with him. On one occasion it 
seemed that he came near getting into a dispute 
with Senator Manderson, of Nebraska. While the 
Senator from Nebraska was delivering a speech, he 
made a remark to which the Senator from Kansas 
took exceptions. When the Kansas Senator arose, 
• — flushed with anger, and laboring under intense 
excitement, — to correct what he declared in words 
that were more forcible than elegant, to be a mis- 
statement of his position, the Senator from Ne- 
braska did not hesitate for a moment to accept the 
correction, remarking by way of explanation and 
apology that he had not distinctly heard the remark 
the Senator from Kansas had made, and to which 
he was alluding when interrupted. 



212 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

" Then," retorted the Senator from Kansas, 
** that is your misfortune." 

" I admit," the Senator from Nebraska quickly 
replied, " that it is always a misfortune not to hear 
the Senator from Kansas." 

The unfortunate controversy between President 
Garfield and Senator Conkling resulted in a na- 
tional calamity. The bitterness that grew out of 
it had the effect of bringing a crank on the scene of 
action. Early in July, 1881, — when the President, 
in company with Mr. Blaine, was leaving Washing- 
ton for his summer vacation, — this cowardly crank, 
who had waited at the railroad station for the 
arrival of the distinguished party, fired the fatal 
shot which a few months later terminated the 
earthly career of a President who was beloved by 
his countrymen without regard to party or section. 

Whatever may have been the merits of this un- 
fortunate controversy, it resulted in the political 
death of one and the physical death of the other; 
thus depriving the country of the valuable services 
of two of the greatest and most intellectual men 
that our country had ever produced. 

When the President died I was at my home, 
Natchez, Mississippi, where a memorial meeting 
was held in honor of his memory, participated in by 
both races and both parties. I had the honor of 
being one of the speakers on that occasion. That 
part of my remarks which seemed to attract most 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 213 

attention and made the deepest impression was the 
declaration that it was my good fortune, as a mem- 
ber of the National House of Representatives, to 
sit within the sound of his eloquent voice on a cer- 
tain memorable occasion when he declared that there 
could never be a permanent peace and union between 
the North and the South until the South would 
admit that, in the controversy that brought on the 
War the North was right and the South was wrong. 
Notwithstanding that declaration, in which he was 
unquestionably right, I ventured the opinion that, 
had he been spared to serve out the term for which 
he had been elected, those who had voted for him 
would have been proud of the fact that they had 
done so, while those who had voted against him 
would have had no occasion to regret that he had 
been elected. 

Upon the death of President Garfield Vice-Presi- 
dent Arthur, — who had been named for that office 
by Mr. Conkling, — became President ; but he, too, 
soon incurred the displeasure of Mr. Conkling. 
Mr. Conkling had occasion to make a request of the 
President which the latter could not see his way 
clear to grant. For this Mr. Conkling never for- 
gave him. The President tried hard afterwards to 
regain Mr. Conkling's friendship, but in vain. He 
even went so far, it is said, as to tender Mr. Conk- 
ling a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court; but 
the tender was contemptuously declined. 



214 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

President Arthur aspired to succeed himself as 
President. As a whole he gave the country a splen- 
did administration, for which he merited a renom- 
ination and election as his own successor. While 
there was a strong and well-organized effort to se- 
cure for him a renomination, the probabilities are 
that the attitude of Mr. Conkling towards him con- 
tributed largely to his defeat; although the ex- 
Senator took no active part in the contest. But, as 
in the case of Mr. Blaine, his silence, no doubt, was 
fatal to Mr. Arthur's renomination. 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE NATIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1 884 

When the Forty-seventh Congress expired 
March 4th, 1883, I returned to my home at Natchez, 
Mississippi. 1884 was the year of the Presidential 
election. Early in the year it was made clear that 
there was to be a bitter fight for the Presidential 
nomination. 

I President Arthur was a candidate to succeed him- 
self; but Mr. Blaine, it was conceded, would be the 
leading candidate before the Convention. Senator 
John Sherman was also a candidate. It was gener- 
ally believed that Senator Edmunds of Vermont 
would get a majority of the delegates from the 
NFew England States. Mr, Blaine was weaker in 
his own section, New England, than in any other 
part of the country except the South. The South, 
however, had somewhat relented in its opposition 
to him, as previously stated, in consequence of which 
he had a stronger support from that section than 
in any of his previous contests for the nomination; 
to this fact may be attributed his nomination by the 
Convention. That support, it was believed, was due 
nore to a deference to public opinion at the North, 

215 



2i6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

— the section that must be depended upon to elect 
the ticket, — than confidence in Mr. Blaine. 

The delegation from my own State, Mississippi, 
was, with one exception, solid in its support of 
President Arthur. The one exception was Hon. 
H. C. Powers, one of the delegates from the first 
district. 

Two active, aggressive, able and brilliant young 
men had just entered the field of national politics, 
both of them having been elected delegates to this 
convention. Those men were Theodore Roosevelt, 
of New York, and H. C. Lodge, of Massachusetts. 
Both were vigorously opposed to the nomination 
of Mr. Blaine. Roosevelt's election as a delegate 
from New York was in the nature of a national 
surprise. Mr. Blaine was believed to be very strong 
in that State. The public, therefore, was not pre- 
pared for the announcement that Theodore Roose- 
velt, — an anti-Blaine man, — had defeated Senator 
Warner Miller, — the able and popular leader of the 
Blaine forces in that State, — as delegate to the Na- 
tional Convention from the State at large. The 
Blaine leaders were brought to a realization of the 
fact, that, in consequence of their unexpected de- 
feat in New York, it was absolutely necessary, in 
order to make sure of the nomination of their can- 
didate, to retain the support they had among the 
Southern delegates. 

With that end in view the National Committee, in 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 217 

which the Blaine men had a majority, selected a 
Southern man, Hon. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas, 
for temporary chairman of the Convention. The 
anti-BIaine men, — under the leadership of Messrs. 
Roosevelt, Lodge, Hoar, Hanna, Geo. William Cur- 
tis and others, — decided to select another Southern 
man to run against Clayton. For that purpose a 
conference was held ; — composed of many of the 
active supporters of Arthur, Sherman, and Ed- 
munds, — to select the man to put up against Clay- 
ton. 

I did not attend the conference. Senator Hoar 
suggested my name and insisted that I was the 
man best fitted for the position. After a brief dis- 
cussion it was decided unanimously to select me. 
A committee was appointed, of which ex-Governor 
Pinchback, of Louisiana, was chairman, to wait 
on me and inform me of what had been done, and 
to insist upon my acceptance of the distinguished 
honor which had thus been conferred upon me. 
Another committee was appointed, — of which Hon. 
M. A. Hanna, of Ohio, was chairman, to poll the 
Convention to find out the strength of the move- 
ment. This committee subsequently reported that 
Clayton would be defeated and Lynch elected by a 
majority of about thirty-five votes. For two rea- 
sons I had some doubt about the propriety of al- 
lowing my name to be thus used. First, I doubted 
the wisdom of the movement. It had been the uni- 



2i8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

form custom to allow the National Committee to 
select the temporary chairman of the Convention, 
and I was inclined to the opinion that a departure 
from that custom might not be a wise step. Sec- 
ond, I did not think it could possibly win. My 
opinion was that a number of delegates that might 
otherwise vote for me could not be induced to vote 
in favor of breaking what had been a custom since 
the organization of the party. 

I did not come to a definite decision until the 
morning of the day that the Convention was to be 
organized. Just before that body was called to 
order I decided to confer with Maj. William Mc- 
Kinley and Hon. M. A. Hanna, of Ohio, and act 
upon their advice. McKinley was for Blaine and 
Hanna was for Sherman, but my confidence in the 
two men was such that I believed their advice would 
not be influenced by their personal preference for 
the Presidential nomination. I did not know at 
that time that Mr. Hanna had taken an active part 
in the deliberations of the conference that resulted 
in my selection for temporary chairman of the Con- 
vention. I first consulted Major McKinley. I had 
served with him in Congress and had become very 
much attached to him. He frankly stated that, 
since he was a Blaine man, he would be obliged to 
vote against me, but he told me that this was an 
opportunity that comes to a man but once in a life- 
time. 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 219 

" If you decline," he said, " the anti-Blaine men 
will probably put up someone else who would, no 
doubt, receive the same vote that you would re- 
ceive. If it is possible for them to elect anyone, 
I know of no man I would rather have them thus 
honor than you. While, therefore, I shall vote 
against you and hope you will not be elected, — 
simply because I am a Blaine man, and a vote for 
you means a vote against Blaine, — I shall not ad- 
vise you to decline the use of your name." 

I then approached Mr. Hanna, who appeared to 
be surprised that I hesitated about consenting to 
the use of my name. 

" We have you elected," he said, " by a majority 
of about thirty-five. You cannot decline the use 
of your name, for two reasons; first, since we know 
we have the votes necessary to elect you, should you 
now decline the public would never believe other- 
wise than that you had been improperly influenced. 
This you cannot afford. In the second place, it 
would not be treating us fairly. We have selected 
you in perfect good faith, with the expectation that 
you would allow your name to be thus used ; or, if 
not, you would have declined in ample time to en- 
able us to reconvene, and select someone else. To 
decline now, on the eve of the election, when it is 
impossible for us to confer and agree upon an- 
other man for the position, would be manifestly 
unfair to us as well as to your own candidate for 



220 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

the Presidential nomination, whose chances may; 
be injuriously affected thereby." 

This argument was both impressive and effective. 
I then and there decided to allow my name to be 
used. I learned afterwards that it was under the 
direction and management of Mr. Hanna that the 
Convention had been so carefully and accurately 
polled. That his poll was entirely correct was 
demonstrated by the result. This also established 
the fact that as an organizer Mr. Hanna was a 
master, which was subsequently proved when he 
managed Mr. McKinley's campaign both for 
the nomination and election to the Presidency in 
1896. 

When the Convention was called to order, and 
the announcement was made that the National Com- 
mittee had selected Hon. Powell Clayton, of Ar- 
kansas, for temporary chairman of the Convention, 
an attractive young man in the Massachusetts dele- 
gation was recognized by the chair. He gave his 
name as H. C. Lodge. He said he rose to place 
the name of another gentleman in nomination; and, 
after making a neat and appropriate speech in com- 
mendation of his candidate, — a speech that created 
a very favorable impression, — he named ex-Con- 
gressman John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, whom he 
believed to be a suitable man for the position. The 
ball was then opened. This was an indication of a 
combination of the field against Blaine. Many 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 221 

speeches were made on both sides, but they were 
temperate in tone, and free from bitterness. Among 
those that spoke in support of my candidacy were 
Messrs. Theodore Rooseveh, and Geo. WiUiam Cur- 
tis, of New York. When the debate was over the 
chairman directed that the States be called in al- 
phabetical order, — the roll of delegates from each 
State to be called, so as to allow each individual 
delegate to cast his own vote. When Mississippi 
was reached, I joined with H. C. Powers, the 
Blaine member of the delegation, in voting for 
Clayton. The result was just about what Mr. 
Hanna said it would be. 

The Blaine men were discouraged and the anti- 
Blaine men were jubilant. It was claimed by the 
latter, and apprehended by the former, that it was 
indicative of Mr. Blaine's defeat for the nomination. 
It certainly looked that way, but the result of the 
election for the temporary chainnanship proved to 
be misleading. Mr. Hanna's poll was not to find 
out how many delegates would vote for the nom- 
ination of Mr. Blaine, but how many would vote 
for Lynch for temporary chairman. On that point 
his poll was substantially accurate. It was assumed 
that every Blaine man would vote for Mr. Clay- 
ton. This is where the mistake was made. It 
turned out that there were some Blaine men, espe- 
cially from the South, that voted for Lynch. The 
result, therefore, was not, as it was hoped it would 



222 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

be, an accurate test of the strength of the Blaine 
and anti-Blaine forces in the Convention. 

Since my election had not been anticipated, — at 
least, by me, — my speech of acceptance was neces- 
sarily brief. I presided over the deliberations of 
the Convention the greater part of two days, when 
Hon. John B. Henderson, of Missouri, was intro- 
duced as the permanent chairman. This is the 
same Henderson, who, as a Republican United 
States Senator from Missouri, voted against the 
conviction of President Andrew Johnson, who had 
been impeached by the House of Representatives 
for high crimes and misdemeanors in office. The 
Democratic Senators needed but seven votes from 
the Republican side of the chamber to prevent con- 
viction. They succeeded in getting the exact num- 
ber. Senator Henderson being one. He appears to 
have been the only one of that number that politi- 
cally survived that act. All others soon passed 
into political oblivion ; although several of them sub- 
sequently identified themselves with the Democratic 
party. While it may be said that Senator Hender- 
son survived the act, it is true that his election as a 
delegate to the National Republican Convention of 
1884 and his selection as the permanent chairman 
thereof are the only prominent illustrations of that 
fact. 

During the deliberations of the Convention Mr. 
Bishop, one of the delegates from Massachusetts, 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 223 

introduced a resolution to change the basis of rep- 
resentation in future National Conventions of the 
party. His plan was to make the number of Re- 
publican votes cast, counted, certified and returned 
at the last preceding National election, the basis of 
representation in succeeding National Conventions. 
Hon. W. O. Bradley, of Kentucky, led off in a 
very able, eloquent, and convincing speech in oppo- 
sition to the resolution. The colored delegates 
from the South selected me to present their side of 
the question. For that purpose I was recognized 
by the chair, and spoke against the resolution. In 
the first place I called attention to the fact that if 
elections were fair, and the official count honest in 
every State, the probabilities were that there would 
be no occasion for the proposed change. That the 
change proposed would result in a material reduction 
in the representation in future conventions chiefly 
from Southern States was because the greater 
part of the Republican votes in some of said States 
were suppressed by violence or nullified by fraud. 
The effect of the change proposed would be simply 
to make such questionable methods the basis of rep- 
resentation in future Republican National Conven- 
tions. This, I claimed, the Republican party could 
not afford to do. At the conclusion of my remarks 
the resolution was withdrawn by its author, Mr. 
Bishop, who came over to my seat, and congratu- 
lated me upon the way in which I had presented the 



224 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

case; stating at the same time that my speech had 
convinced him that his proposition was a mistake. 

After a hotly contested fight Mr. Blaine was fi- 
nally nominated. Senator John A. Logan, of Illi- 
nois, was named as the candidate for Vice-President. 
It looked as if the time had at last come when the 
brilliant statesman from Maine would have the 
acme of his ambition completely realized. 

I was honored by the delegation from my State 
with being made a member of the National Com- 
mittee, and also a member of the committee that was 
named to wait on Mr. Blaine and notify him offi- 
cially of his nomination. The notification commit- 
tee went all the way to Mr. Blaine's home, Augusta, 
Maine, to discharge that duty. 

The ceremony of notification took place in Mr. 
Blaine's front yard. The weather was fine. The 
notification speech was delivered by the chairman, 
Senator Henderson, to which Mr. Blaine briefly re- 
sponded, promising to make a more lengthy reply 
in the form of a letter of acceptance. At the con- 
clusion of the ceremony he called me to one side 
and asked what was the outlook in Mississippi. I 
informed him that he could easily carry the State 
by a substantial majority if we could have a fair 
election and an honest count; but that under the 
existing order of things this would not be possible, 
and that the State would be returned against him. 

" Oh, no," he replied, " you are mistaken about 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 225 

that. Mr. Lamar will see that I get a fair count 
in Mississippi." 

I confess that this remark surprised me very 
much. 

" Mr. Blaine," I replied, " you may understand 
the political situation in Mississippi better than I do, 
but I know whereof I speak when I say that Mr. 
Lamar would not if he could and could not if he 
would, secure you a fair count in Mississippi. The 
State will be returned against you." 

" You will find," he said, '' that you are mis- 
taken. Mr. Lamar will see that I get a fair count 
in Mississippi." 

Mr. Lamar not only made an aggressive cam- 
paign against Mr. Blaine, but it was chiefly through 
his influence and efforts that the State was returned 
against Mr. Blaine by a very large majority. And 
yet no one who knew Mr. Lamar could justly ac- 
cuse him of being an ingrate. He was essentially 
an appreciative man; as he never failed to demon- 
strate whenever and wherever it was possible for 
him to do so. No one knew better than did Mr. 
Lamar that he was under deep and lasting obliga- 
tions to Mr. Blaine; but it seems that with all his 
wisdom and political sagacity and foresight Mr. 
Blaine was unable to distinguish between a per- 
sonal and a political obligation. Mr. Lamar felt 
that what Mr. Blaine had done for him was per- 
sonal, not political, and that if his, — Lamar's, — 



226 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

party was in any respect the beneficiary thereof, 
it was merely incidental. At any rate, it was utterly 
impossible for him to serve Mr. Blaine in a politi- 
cal way. Had he made the effort to do so he not 
only would have subjected himself to the accusation 
of party treachery, but it would have resulted in 
his own political downfall. To expect any ambi- 
tious man to make such a sacrifice as this was con- 
trary to human nature. 

The truth was that Mr. Blaine had been chiefly 
instrumental in bringing about a condition of affairs 
at the South which made it impossible for any of 
his Democratic or Republican friends in that sec- 
tion to be of any material service to him at the 
time he most needed them. And yet, he could not 
see this until it was too late. In spite of this he 
would have been elected, but for the fact that he 
lost the pivotal State of New York by a small plur- 
ality, about eleven hundred and forty-seven, the 
reasons for which have been given in a previous 
chapter. It is therefore sad, but true, that by his 
own act this able and brilliant statesman, like Henry 
Clay, died without having reached the acme of his 
ambition, — the Presidency of the United States. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

THE ELECTION OF GROVER CLEVELAND 

The Republicans of my district insisted that I 
make the race for Congress again in 1884, and I 
decided to do so, although I knew it would be use- 
less for me to do so with any hope of being elected, 
for I knew the prospect of success was not as fav- 
orable as two years previous. 

Judge Van Eaton, the Democratic candidate for 
Congressman in 1882, was a representative of the 
better element, and would, therefore, rather be de- 
feated than be declared elected through the enforce- 
ment and application of questionable methods. He 
publicly declared on several occasions that, as anx- 
ious as he was to be a member of Congress, he 
would rather be defeated than have a certificate, of 
election tainted with fraud. In other words, if he 
could not be fairly and honestly elected he pre- 
ferred to be defeated. He insisted upon a fair elec- 
tion and an honest count. This was not agreeable 
to many of his party associates. They believed and 
privately asserted that his open declarations on that 
point not only carried an implied reflection upon 

his party in connection with previous elections, 

227 



228 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

but that he was taking an unnecessary risk in his 
own case. Chiefly for these reasons, the Judge, 
though a strong and able man, was denied the cour- 
tesy of a nomination for a second term. It had 
always been the custom to allow a member to serve 
at least two terms ; but this honor was denied Judge 
Van Eaton, the nomination being given to Honor- 
able T. R. Stockdale, of Pike county. 

Stockdale was a different type of a man from 
Van Eaton. He was in perfect accord with the 
dominant sentiment of his party. He felt that he 
had been nominated to go to Congress, — " peace- 
ably and fairly," if possible, but to go in any event. 
Then, again, that was the year of the Presidential 
election, and the Democrats were as confident of 
success that year as they had been in 1876 and in 
1880. 

For President and Vice-President the candidates 
were Blaine and Logan, Republicans, and Cleve- 
land and Hendricks, Democrats. 

Mr. Cleveland had the prestige of having been 
elected Governor of New York by a majority of 
about one hundred thousand. New York was be- 
lieved to be the pivotal and the decisive State, and 
that its votes would determine the election for 
President. That the Republicans, even with such 
a popular man as Mr. Blaine as their candidate, 
would be able to overcome the immense majority 
by which Mr. Cleveland had carried the State for 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 229 

Governor was not believed by any Democrat to be 
possible. The Democrats did not take into account 
any of the local circumstances that contributed to 
such a remarkable result ; but they were well known 
to Republicans in and out of that State. One of the 
principal contributory causes was a determination 
on the part of thousands of Republican voters in 
that State to resent at the polls National interfer- 
ence in local State affairs. 

Judge Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the 
Treasury, was the Republican candidate against Mr. 
Cleveland for the Governorship when the latter was 
elected by such an immense majority. It was a 
well-known fact that Judge Folger could not have 
been nominated but for the active and aggressive 
efforts of the National Administration, and of its 
agents and representatives. The fight for the Re- 
publican nomination for Governor that year was 
the beginning of the bitter fight between the Blaine 
and the Arthur forces in the State for the delega- 
tion in 1884. In the nomination of Judge Folger 
the Blaine men were defeated. To neutralize the 
prestige which the Arthur men had thus secured, 
thousands of the Blaine men, and some who were not 
Blaine men, but who were against the National 
Administration for other reasons, refused to vote 
for Judge Folger, and thus allowed the State to go 
Democratic by default. In 1884, when Mr. Blaine 
was the candidate of the Republicans for the Presi- 



230 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

dency, a sufficient number of anti-Blaine men in 
New York, — in a spirit of retaliation, no doubt, — 
pursued the same course and thus allowed the State 
again to go Democratic by default. The loss which 
Mr. Blaine sustained in the latter case, therefore, 
was much greater than that gained by him in the 
former. 

But, let the causes, circumstances, and condi- 
tions be what they may, there was not a Democrat 
in Mississippi in 1884 who did not believe that Mr. 
Cleveland's election to the Presidency was a fore- 
gone conclusion. That he would have the support of 
the Solid South there was no doubt. Those States, 
they believed, were as certain to be returned Demo- 
cratic as the sun would rise on the morning of the 
day of the election. 

Although I accepted the nomination for Congress, 
I as chairman of the Republican State Committee, 
devoted the greater part of my time to the cam- 
paign throughout the State. Mr. Blaine had many 
warm friends and admirers among the white men 
and Democrats in the State, some of them being 
outspoken in their advocacy of his election. In mak- 
ing up the electoral ticket I made every effort possi- 
ble to get some of those men to consent to the use 
of their names. One of them, Joseph N. Carpenter, 
of my own home town, Natchez, gave his consent to 
the use of his name. He was one of the solid busi- 
ness men of the town. He was not only a large 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 231 

property owner but the principal owner of a local 
steamboat that was engaged in the trade on the 
Mississippi River between Natchez and Vicksburg. 
He was also the principal proprietor of one of the 
cotton-seed-oil mills of the town. In fact his name 
was associated with nearly every important enter- 
prise in that community. Socially no family stood 
higher than his in any part of the South. His ac- 
complished wife was a Miss Mellen, whose brother, 
William F. Mellen, was one of the most brilliant 
members of the bar that the State had ever pro- 
duced. She had another brother who acquired 
quite a distinction as a minister of the gospel. 

When the announcement was made public that 
Joseph N. Carpenter was to be an elector on the 
Republican ticket, intense excitement was imme- 
diately created. The Democratic press of the State 
immediately turned their batteries upon him. Per- 
sonal friends called upon him in large numbers and 
urged him to decline. But he had consented to 
serve, and he felt that it was his duty, and ought 
to be his privilege to do so. Besides, he was a sin- 
cere Blaine man. He honestly believed that the 
election of Mr. Blaine would be conducive to the 
best interests of the country, the South especially. 
To these appeals, therefore, he turned a deaf ear. 
But it was not long before he was obliged to yield 
to the pressure. The fact was soon made plain to 
him that, if he allowed his name to remain on that 



2Z2 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

ticket, the probabilities were that he would be finan- 
cially ruined. He would soon find that his boat 
would be without either passengers or freight; his 
oil mill would probably be obliged to close because 
there would be no owners of the raw material of 
whom he could make purchases at any price, and 
even his children at school would, no doubt, be sub- 
jected to taunts and insults, to say nothing of the 
social cuts to which his family might be subjected. 
He was, therefore, brought to a painful realization 
of the fact that he was confronted with conditions 
which he had not fully anticipated. He could then 
see, as he had never seen before, that he had been 
brought face to face with a condition and not a 
theory. He was thus obliged to make his choice 
between accepting those conditions upon the one 
hand, and on the other the empty and temporary 
honor of serving as an elector on the Blaine Re- 
publican ticket. His convictions, his manhood and 
his self-respect were on one side; his material in- 
terests and family obligations were on the other. 
His mental condition during that period can better 
be imagined than described. After giving thought- 
ful consideration and sleepless nights to the matter, 
he at length decided to yield to the pressure and de- 
cline the use of his name. He informed me of his 
decision through the medium of a private letter 
which he said he had written with great reluctance 
and sincere regret. The committee thereupon 



I 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 233 

named Dr. Jackson, of Amite County, an old line 
Republican, to fill the vacancy. 

It will thus be seen that in pursuing a course that 
Mr. Blaine thought would place southern Demo- 
crats under obligations to him he placed a weapon 
in the hands of his own personal and political ene- 
mies by which they were enabled to crush and si- 
lence his friends and supporters; for after all it is 
not so much the love of fair play, as it is the fear 
of punishment, that actuates the average man in 
obeying the laws and respecting the rights and priv- 
ileges of others. Mr, Blaine's friends and sup- 
porters at the South were the very people who 
stood most in need of that security and protection 
which can come only through a thorough and im- 
partial enforcement of laws for the protection of 
citizens in the exercise and enjoyment of their civil 
and political rights, as well as the enforcement of 
laws for the protection of life, liberty and property. 

Judge H. F. Simrall, one of the most brilliant 
lawyers in the State, — who came into the Republi- 
can party under the leadership of General Alcorn in 
1869, and who had served as a Justice of the Su- 
preme Court of the State, — made an effort to can- 
vass the State for Mr. Blaine, but his former asso- 
ciates, with whom he tried to reason, treated him 
with such scanty courtesy that he soon became dis- 
couraged and abandoned the effort. 

There were two factions in the Democratic party, 



234 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Mr. Lamar being the recognized head of one of 
them. His political enemies suspected and some of 
them accused him of being partial to Mr. Blaine, 
To save himself and his friends from humiliation 
and defeat in his own party it was necessary for him 
to dispel that suspicion, and disprove those accusa- 
tions. With that end in view he made a thorough 
canvass of the State in the interest of Mr. Cleveland 
and the Democratic party. The State was returned 
for Mr. Cleveland by a large majority, for which 
Mr. Lamar was in a great measure credited. Mr. 
Blaine finally saw his mistake, which he virtually 
admitted in the speech delivered by him at his home 
immediately after the election; but it was then too 
late to undo the mischief that had been done. It 
was like locking the stable door after the horse had 
been stolen. That Mr. Blaine died without having 
attained the goal of his ambition was due chiefly to 
his lack of foresight, poor judgment, political blun- 
ders, and a lack of that sagacity and acumen which 
are so essential in a successful party leader. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

INTERVIEW WITH SECRETARY LAMAR ON THE RE- 
TAINING OF COLORED MEN IN OFFICE 

In selecting his first cabinet Mr. Cleveland did 
Mr. Lamar and the State of Mississippi the honor 
of making him his Secretary of the Interior. Early 
in the administration, upon the occasion of my first 
visit to Washington after the inauguration of Mr. 
Cleveland, I called on Secretary Lamar to pay him 
my respects and tender him my congratulations upon 
his appointment. When I entered his office he was 
engaged in conversation with some prominent New 
York Democrats, Mayor Grace, of New York City, 
being one of the party. The Secretary received 
me cordially; and, after introducing me to the gen- 
tlemen with whom he was conversing, requested me 
to take a seat in the adjoining room, which was used 
as his private office, until the departure of the gentle- 
men with whom he was then engaged ; remarking at 
the same time that there was an important matter 
about which he desired to talk with me. 

I had been seated only a short while before he 
made his appearance. As soon as he had taken his 
seat he said : 

235 



236 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

" Lynch, you have shown me some favors in the 
past, and I desire to manifest in a substantial way 
my appreciation of what you have done for me and 
the friendly interest you have taken in me. No one 
knows better than I do, or can appreciate more 
keenly than I can, the value of the services you have 
rendered me, and the satisfactory results of your 
friendly interest in me. In saying this I do not 
wish to even intimate that you have done anything 
for me that was inconsistent with the position oc- 
cupied by you as an influential leader of the Repub- 
lican party of our State. The truth is, you were, 
fortunately, placed in such a position that you were 
enabled to render a great service to a Mississippi 
Democrat without doing a single act, or giving ex- 
pression to a single thought, that was not in harmony 
with your position as a leader of your own party. 
That you saw fit to make me, rather than some 
other Democrat, the beneficiary of your partiality is 
what I keenly appreciate, highly value and now de- 
sire to reciprocate. The Republican party is now 
out of power, and it is likely to remain so for the 
next quarter of a century. Fortunately for me I 
am now so situated that I can reciprocate, in a small 
measure, the friendly interest you have taken in me 
in the recent past; and this, I hope, you will allow 
me to do. I have an office at my disposal that I 
want you to accept. I know you are a pronounced 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 2yj 

Republican. I neither ask nor expect you to change 
your politics. Knowing you as I do, it would be 
useless for me to make such a request of you even 
if I desired to have you make such a change. All 
I shall ask of you is that you be not offensively ac- 
tive or boldly aggressive in political matters while 
you hold a commission from me. In other words, 

I" I want to render you a service without having you 
compromise your political standing, and without 
making the slightest change in your party affiliations. 
However, recognizing as you must the delicacy of 
the situation resulting from the position I occupy 
and the relation that I sustain to the administra- 
tion, you will, I know, refrain from saying and do- 
ing anything that will place me in an embarrassing 
I" position before the public and before the adminis- 
tration with which I am identified. The office to 
which I refer is that of special agent of public lands. 
The salary is fifteen hundred a year and expenses. 
The place is worth from two thousand to two thou- 
sand five hundred a year. I shall not send you 
down South, where you may have some unpleasant 
and embarrassing experiences, but I will send you 
out into the Black Hills, where you will not be 
subjected to the slightest inconvenience and where 
you will have very little to do, but make your re- 
ports and draw your pay. If you say you will ac- 
cept the apopintment I shall give immediate direc- 



238 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tions for the commission to be made out and you 
can take the oath of office within the next twenty- 
four hours." 

Of course I hstened with close attention and with 
deep interest to what the honorable Secretary said. 
When he had finished, I replied in about these 
words : 

" Mr. Secretary, I fully appreciate the friendly in- 
terest you manifest in me, and I also appreciate 
what you are willing to do for me. If I have ren- 
dered you any services in the past, I can assure you 
that they were not rendered with the expectation 
that you would thereby be placed under any obliga- 
tions to me w^hatever. If I preferred you to others 
in your own party it was because I believed in you 
the State would have the services of one of its best, 
most brilliant and most eloquent representatives. 
It was the good of the State and the best interests 
of its people rather than the personal advancement 
of an individual that actuated me. The exalted 
position now occupied by you I consider a confirma- 
tion of the wisdom of my decision. But the fact 
cannot be overlooked that while you are an able and 
influential leader in the Democratic party, I am, 
though not so able nor so influential, a leader, — 
locally, if not nationally, — in the Republican party. 
While I can neither hope nor expect to reach that 
point of honor and distinction in the Republican 
party that you have reached in the Democratic, I 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 239 

am just as proud of the position I occupy to-day as 
a Republican, as it is possible for you to be of yours 
as a Democrat. Even if it be true, as you predict 
— of course I do not agree with you — that the Re- 
publican party will be out of power for the next 
quarter of a century, or even if that party should 
never again come into power, that fact cannot and 
will not have the slightest weight with me. There- 
fore, I do not feel that you, as a member of a Na- 
tional Democratic Administration, can afford to 
tender me any position that I can see my way clear 
to accept. While I fully and keenly appreciate your 
friendly interest in me and your desire and willing- 
ness to serve me, I cannot accept the position you 
have so gracefully tendered me, nor can I accept 
any other you may see fit to offer me. 

" But, if you want to render me a service, I can 
tell you wherein it can be done, — a service that will 
be just as much appreciated as any you can possibly 
render me. When I was a member of Congress I 
secured the appointment of quite a number of young 
colored men to clerkships in the Pension Bureau of 
your department. I understand that all these men 
have excellent records. If you will retain them in 
their positions I shall feel that you have repaid me 
for whatever you may think I have done for you in 
the past." 

" That," the Secretary replied, " is a very rea- 
sonable request. Come to see me again in a day or 



240 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

two and bring a list of their names and I will then 
see just what I can do along those lines." 

I then bade Mr. Lamar good-bye and left his 
office. A few days later I returned with the list. 
But upon that list I had placed the names of two 
men who had not been appointed on my recommenda- 
tion. One was a colored man, a physician; the 
other was a white man, a lawyer. The physician 
occupied a position that was in the line of his pro- 
fession. The lawyer was a clerk in the Pension 
Bureau, who had been recently appointed upon the 
recommendation of Senator Bruce. The physician 
had been connected with the public service a long 
time. I knew both men favorably and felt that it 
was my duty to save them if in my power. Both 
were married and had interesting families. 

When I placed the list in the Secretary's hands 
he read it over very carefully, and then said : 

" I think I can safely assure you that the name of 
every one on this list will be retained except these 
two " — indicating the colored physician and 
the white lawyer. " This physician," the Sec- 
retary said, " is a colored man, and the hus- 
band of a white w^ife. The lawyer is a white 
man, and the husband of a colored wife. I 
cannot promise you, therefore, that they will be 
retained, however capable and efficient they may be. 
So far as I am personally concerned, it would make 
no material difference; I should just as lief retain 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 241 

them as any of the others. But I cannot afford to 
antagonize public opinion in my State on the ques- 
tion of amalgamation. One of these men, the 
white lawyer, is from my own State, where he is 
well known. His case is recent, and fresh in the 
public mind. So far as he is concerned, I can see 
no escape. With the colored physician it may be 
different. He is not from my State and is not 
known in the State. I doubt very much if anyone 
in the State knows anything about him, or is aware 
of the fact that the position occupied by him is un- 
der my department. If attention is not called to 
his case, I shall let him alone. 

" But with the lawyer it is different. A represen- 
tative of a Mississippi newspaper that is unfriendly 
to me is now on the ground. He has a list of all 
the Republicans, — especially the colored ones, — 
holding positions in this department. The name of 
this lawyer is on that list. It is the intention of the 
faction his paper represents to bring pressure to 
bear upon me to force me to turn all of these men 
out of office for political reasons, regardless of 
their official standing. But, so far as your friends 
are concerned, I shall defy them except in the case 
of this lawyer, and also in the case of this physician 
if attention is called to him. In their cases, or 
either of them, I shall be obliged, for reasons al- 
ready given, to yield." 

Strange to say, attention was never called to the 



242 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

case of the physician and he remained in office dur- 
ing the whole of Mr. Cleveland's first administra- 
tion. I made a strong appeal to the Secretary in 
behalf of my friend, the white lawyer. I said in 
substance : 

" Mr. Secretary, you ought not to allow this de- 
serving man to be punished simply because he was 
brave enough to legally marry the woman of his 
choice. You know him personally. You know him 
to be an able and brilliant young man. You know 
that he is now discharging the responsible duties of 
the position which he occupies in your department 
with credit to himself, and to the satisfaction of his 
official superiors. You know that you have not a 
better nor a more capable official connected with the 
public service than you have in this able young man. 
Under these circumstances it is your duty, as the 
responsible head of your department, to protect him 
and his estimable family from this gross wrong, — 
this cruel injustice. For no one knows better than 
you do, Mr. Secretary, that this alleged opposition 
to amalgamation is both hypocritical and insincere. 
If a natural antipathy existed between the two races 
no law would be necessary to keep them apart. 
The law, then, against race intermarriage has a 
tendency to encourage and promote race intermix- 
ture, rather than to discourage and prevent it; be- 
cause under existing circumstances local sentiment 
in our part of the country tolerates the intermix- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 243 

ture, provided that the white husband and father 
does not lead to the altar in honorable wedlock 
the woman he may have selected as the companion 
of his life, and the mother of his children. If, in- 
stead of prohibiting race intermarriage, the law 
would compel marriage in all cases of concubinage, 
such a law would have a tendency to discourage 
race intermixture ; because it is only when they 
marry according to the forms of law that the white 
husband and father is socially and otherwise ostra- 
cized! Under the common law, — which is the es- 
tablfshed and recognized rule of action in all of 
our States in the absence of a local statute by which 
a different rule is established, — a valid marriage 
is nothing more than a civil contract entered into 
between two persons capable of making contracts. 
But under our form of government marriage, like 
everything else, is what public opinion sees fit to 
make it. 

" It is true that in our part of the country no 
union of the sexes is looked upon as a legal mar- 
riage unless the parties to the union are married 
according to the form prescribed by the local stat- 
utes. While that is true it is also true that there 
are many unions, which, but for the local statutes, 
would be recognized and accepted as legal mar- 
riages and which, even under existing conditions, 
are tolerated by local sentiment and sanctioned by 
custom. Such unions are known to exist, and yet 



244 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

are presumed not to exist. None are so blind as 
those who can see but will not see. One of the 
unwritten but most effective and rigid laws of our 
section, — which everyone respects and never vio- 
lates, — is that a man's private and domestic life 
must never be made the subject of political or 
public discussion or newspaper notoriety. The 
man, who at any time or under any provocation 
will so far forget himself as to say or do anything 
that can be construed into a violation of that un- 
written law, will be likely to pay the penalty with 
his own life and that, too, without court, judge, or 
jury ; and the one by whom the penalty may be in- 
flicted will stand acquitted and justified before the 
bar of public opinion. If, then, this able and bril- 
liant young man, — whose bread and meat you now 
have at your disposal, — had lived in concubinage 
with the mother of his children, no law against 
custom and tradition would have been violated, and 
no one would suggest that he be punished for what 
he had done. Knowing these facts as you do, you 
ought to rise to the dignity of the occasion and 
protect this good and innocent man from the cruel, 
unjust, and unreasonable demands that are now 
being made upon you to dispense with his valuable 
services. This gentleman, to my personal knowl- 
edge, is not only worthy of whatever you may do 
for him, but his elegant and accomplished wife is 
one of the finest and most cultivated ladies it has 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 245 

ever been my good fortune to know. She is not 
only remarkably intelligent, but she is a woman of 
fine natural ability and of superior attainments. 
She is such a brilliant conversationalist, — so inter- 
esting, so instructive and so entertaining, — that it 
is a great pleasure and satisfaction to have the op- 
portunity of being in her delightful presence, and 
of sitting within the sound of her sweet, charm- 
ing, and musical voice. In physical development 
she is as near perfection as it is possible for a 
woman to be. I have had the good fortune of 
knowing her well for a number of years, and I 
have always admired her for her excellent traits 
and admirable qualities. She is a woman that 
would ornament and grace the parlor and honor the 
home of the finest and best man that ever lived, 
regardless of his race or nationality or the station 
he may occupy in life, however exalted that 
station may be. She married the man of her 
choice because she had learned to love and 
honor him, and because, in her opinion, he pos- 
sessed everything, except wealth, that was calcu- 
lated to contribute to her comfort, pleasure and 
happiness. In a recent conversation I had with 
her, her beautiful, large dark eyes sparkled with 
delight, and her sweet and lovely face was suffused 
with a smile of satisfaction when she informed me 
that she had never had occasion to regret her selec- 
tion of a husband. She was then the mother of 



246 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

several very handsome children, to whom she 
pointed with pardonable pride. The products of 
such a union could not possibly be otherwise than 
attractive, for the father was a remarkably hand- 
some man, while the mother was a personification 
of the typical southern beauty. The man was de- 
voted to his family. How could he be otherwise? 
Husband and wife were so strongly attached to 
each other that both were more than willing to 
make any sacrifice that cruel fate might have in 
store for them. 

" I therefore appeal to you, Mr. Secretary, in be- 
half of this charming and accomplished woman and 
her sweet and lovely children. In taking this po- 
sition I am satisfied you will have nothing to lose, 
for you will not only have right on your side, but 
the interest of the public service as well. Rise, 
then, to the dignity of the occasion and assert and 
maintain your manhood and your independence. 
You have done this on previous occasions, why 
not do it again? As a member of the Senate of 
the United States you openly and publicly defied the 
well-known public sentiment of your party in the 
State which you then had the honor in part to rep- 
resent, when you disregarded and repudiated the 
mandate of the State Legislature, instructing you to 
vote for the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 
It was that vote and the spirit of manly independ- 
ence shown by you on that occasion that placed you 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 247 

in the high and responsible position you now oc- 
cupy, the duties of which your friends know will 
be discharged in a way that will reflect credit upon 
yourself and honor upon your State. 

" You again antagonized the dominant sentiment 
of the Democratic party of your State when you 
pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon the life and 
character of Charles Sumner. And yet you were 
able to overcome the bitter opposition you had en- 
countered on each of those occasions. You can 
do the same thing in this case. I therefore ask you 
to promise me that this worthy and competent pub- 
lic servant shall not be discharged as long as his 
official record remains good." 

The Secretary listened to my remarks with close 
and respectful attention. When I had finished he 
said: 

" I agree with nearly all you have said. My 
sympathies are with your friend and it is my de- 
sire to retain him in the position he now so satis- 
factorily fills. But when you ask me to disregard 
and openly defy the well-known sentiment of the 
white people of my State on the question of amal- 
gamation, I fear you make a request of me which 
I cannot safely grant, however anxious I may be to 
serve you. I could defend myself before a public 
audience in my State on the silver question and on 
the Sumner eulogy much more successfully than 
on the question of amalgamation; although in the 



248 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

main, I recognize the force and admit the truth of 
what you have said upon that subject. Hypocriti- 
cal and insincere as the claim may be with reference 
to maintaining the absolute separation of the two 
races, the sentiment on that subject is one which no 
man who is ambitious to have a political future can 
safely afford to ignore, — especially under the new 
order of things about which you are well posted. 
While I am sorry for your friend, and should be 
pleased to grant your request in his case, I cannot 
bring myself to a realization of the fact that it is 
one of sufficient national importance to justify me 
in taking the stand you have so forcibly and elo- 
quently suggested." 

This ended the interview. I went to the home 
of my friend that evening, and informed him and 
his amiable wife of what had been said and done. 
They thanked me warmly for my efforts in their 
behalf, and assured me that there was a future be- 
fore them, and that in the battle of life they were 
determined to know no such word as " fail." A 
few weeks later my friend's official connection with 
the public service was suddenly terminated. He 
and his family then left Washington for Kansas, 
I think. About a year thereafter he had occasion 
to visit Washington on business. I happened to 
be there at that time. He called to see me and in- 
formed me that, instead of regretting what had 
occurred, he had every reason to be thankful for 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 249 

it, since he had done very much better than he could 
have done had he remained at Washington. I was, 
of course, very much gratified to hear this and 
warmly congratulated him. Since that time, how- 
ever, I have not seen him nor any member of his 
family, nor have I heard anything from them ex- 
cept indirectly, although I have made a number of 
unsuccessful efforts to find them. I am inclined 
to the opinion that, like thousands of people of the 
same class, their indentity with the colored race 
has long since ceased and that they have been ab- 
sorbed by the white race, as I firmly believe will be 
true of the great mass of colored Americans. It is 
to prevent any embarrassment growing out of the 
probability of this condition that has actuated me 
in not making public the names of the parties in 
question. No good could come of the disclosure, 
and much harm might follow. I can, however, 
most positively assure the public that this is not a 
fiction, — that it is not a mere picture that is painted 
from the vividness of my imagination, but that the 
story as related in all its details is based upon actual 
occurrences. 

With this one exception. Secretary Lamar re- 
tained in office every clerk whose name appeared 
on the list that I gave him. They were not only 
retained throughout the Administration but many 
of them were promoted. It can be said to the 
credit of Secretary Lamar that during his admin- 



250 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

istration very few changes were made in the cleri- 
cal force of the department for political reasons, 
and, as a rule, the clerks were treated with justice, 
fairness and impartiality. 



CHAPTER XXV 

THE FEDERAL ELECTIONS BILL 

It was during the administration of President 
Harrison that another effort was made to secure 
the enactment by Congress of the necessary legis- 
lation for the effective enforcement of the war 
amendments to the National Constitution, — a 
Federal Elections Bill. Mr. Lodge, of Massachu- 
setts, was the author of the bill. But the fact was 
soon developed that there were so many Republi- 
cans in and out of Congress who lacked the cour- 
age of their convictions that it would be impossible 
to secure favorable action. In fact there were 
three classes of white men at the South who claimed 
to be Republicans who used their influence to de- 
feat that contemplated legislation. The white men 
at the South who acted with the Republican party 
at that time were divided into four classes. 

First, those who were Republicans from princi- 
ple and conviction — because they were firm believ- 
ers in the principles, doctrines, and policies for 
which the party stood, and were willing to remain 
with it in adversity as well as in prosperity, — in 
defeat as well as in victory. This class, I am 

251 



252 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

pleased to say, while not the most noisy and demon- 
strative, comprised over seventy-five per cent, of 
the white membership of the party in that part of 
the country. 

Second, a small but noisy and demonstrative 
group, comprising about fifteen per cent of the re- 
mainder, who labored under the honest, but er- 
roneous, impression that the best and most effective 
way to build up a strong Republican party at the 
South was to draw the color line in the party. In 
other words, to organize a Republican party to be 
composed exclusively of white men, to the entire 
exclusion of colored men. What those men chiefly 
wanted, — or felt the need of for themselves 
and their families, — was social recognition by the 
better element of the white people of their respec- 
tive localities. They were eager, therefore, to bring 
about such a condition of things as would make it 
possible for them to be known as Republicans with- 
out subjecting themselves and their families to the 
risk of being socially ostracized by their white 
Democratic neighbors. And then again those men 
believed then, and some of them still believe or 
profess to believe, that southern Democrats were 
and are honest and sincere in the declaration that 
the presence of the colored men in the Republican 
party prevented southern white men from coming 
into it. " Draw the race line against the colored 
man, — organize a white Republican party, — and 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 253 

you will find that thousands of white men w^ho 
now act with the Democratic party will join the 
Republicans." Some white Republicans believed 
that the men by whom these declarations were made 
were honest and sincere, — and it may be that some 
of them were, — but it appears not to have occurred 
to them that if the votes of the colored men were 
suppressed the minority white vote, unaided and 
unprotected, would be powerless to prevent the ap- 
plication of methods which would nullify any 
organized effort on their part. In other words, 
nothing short of an effective national law, to pro- 
tect the weak against the strong and the minority 
of the whites against the aggressive assaults of the 
majority of that race, would enable the minority of 
the whites to make their power and influence effec- 
tive and potential; and even then it could be ef- 
fectively done only in cooperation with the blacks. 
Then again, they seemed to have lost sight of the 
fact, — or perhaps they did not know it to be a 
fact, — that many leading southern Democrats are 
insincere in their declarations upon the so-called 
race question. They keep that question before the 
public for political and party reasons only, because 
they find it to be the most effective weapon they 
can use to hold the white men in political subjec- 
tion. The effort, therefore, to build up a " white " 
Republican party at the South has had a tendency, 
under existing circumstances, to discourage a 



254 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

strong Republican organization in that section. 
But, even if it were possible for such an organiza- 
tion to have a potential existence, it could not be 
otherwise than ephemeral, because it would be 
wholly out of harmony with the fundamental prin- 
ciples and doctrines of the national organization 
whose name it had appropriated. It would be in 
point of fact a misnomer and, therefore, wholly 
out of place as one of the branches of the national 
organization which stands for, defends, and advo- 
cates the civil and political equality of all American 
citizens, without regard to race, color, nationality, 
or religion. Any organization, therefore, claiming 
to be a branch of the Republican party, but which 
had repudiated and denounced the fundamental 
and sacred creed of that organization, would be 
looked upon by the public as a close, selfish and 
local machine that was brought into existence to 
serve the ends, and satisfy the selfish ambition of 
the promoters and organizers of the corporation. 
Yet there were a few well-meaning and honest 
white men in some of the Southern States who were 
disposed, through a mistaken sense of political ne- 
cessity, to give such a movement the benefit of their 
countenance. But the movement has been a la- 
mentable failure in States where it has been tried, 
and it cannot be otherwise in States where it may 
yet be tried. Men who were in sympathy with a 
movement of this sort took a pronounced stand 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 255 

against the proposed Federal Elections Bill, and 
used what influence they had to prevent its pas- 
sage; their idea being that, if passed, it would have 
a tendency to prevent the accomplishment of the 
purposes they had in contemplation. 

Third, a group that consisted of a still smaller 
number who were Republicans for revenue only, — ■ 
for the purpose of getting ofiice. If an office were 
in sight they would be quite demonstrative in their 
advocacy of the Republican party and its princi- 
ples; but if they were not officially recognized, their 
activities would not only cease, but they would soon 
be back into the fold of the Democracy. But 
should they be officially recognized they would be 
good, faithful, and loyal Republicans, — at least so 
far as words were concerned, — until they ceased 
to be officials, when they would cease at the same 
time to be Republicans. Men of this class were, 
of course, opposed to the proposed legislation for 
the enforcement of the war amendments to the 
Constitution. 

Fourth, a group that consisted of an insignif- 
icantly small number of white men who claimed 
to be national Republicans and local Democrats, — 
that is, they claimed that they voted for the Re- 
publican candidate for President every four years, 
but for Democrats in all other elections. Of course 
they were against the proposed legislation. These 
men succeeded in inducing some well-meaning Re- 



256 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

publican members of Congress, like Senator Wash- 
burne, of Minnesota, for instance, to believe that 
the passage of such a bill would have a tendency to 
prevent the building up of a strong Republican 
organization at the South. Then again, the free 
silver question was before the public at that time. 
The Republican majority in the Senate was not 
large. Several of those who had been elected as 
Republicans were free silver men. On that ques- 
tion they were in hamiony with a majority of the 
Democrats, and out of harmony with the great ma- 
jority of Republicans. The Free Silver Republi- 
cans, therefore, were not inclined to support a 
measure that was particularly offensive to their 
friends and allies on the silver question. After a 
careful canvass of the Senate it was developed that 
the Republican leaders could not safely count on 
the support of any one of the Free Silver Republi- 
cans in their efforts to pass the bill, and, since they 
had the balance of power, any further effort to pass 
it was abandoned. It was then made plain to the 
friends and supporters of that measure that no 
further attempt would be made in that direction for 
a long time, if ever. 

I wrote and had published in the Washington 
Post a letter in which I took strong grounds in 
favor of having the representation in Congress, — 
from States where the colored men had been practi- 
cally disfranchised through an evasion of the Fif- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 257 

teenth Amendment, — reduced in the manner pre- 
scribed by the Fourteenth Amendment. In that 
letter I made an effort to answer every argument 
that had been made in opposition to such a propo- 
sition. It had been argued by some fairly good 
lawyers, for instance, that the subsequent ratifica- 
tion of the Fifteenth Amendment had so modified 
the Fourteenth as to take away from Congress this 
optional and discretionary power which had been 
previously conferred upon it by the Fourteenth 
Amendment. I tried in that letter, — and I think 
I succeeded, — to answer the argument on that 
point. It was also said that if Congress were to 
take such a step it would thereby give its sanction 
to the disfranchisement of the colored men in the 
States where that had been done. This I think I 
succeeded in proving was untrue and without foun- 
dation. The truth is that the only material differ- 
ence between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- 
ments on this particular point is that, subsequent 
to the ratification of the Fourteenth and prior to 
the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, a 
State could legally disfranchise white or colored 
men on account of race or color, but, since the rati- 
fication of the Fifteenth Amendment, this cannot 
be legally done. If, then, Congress had the con- 
stitutional right under the Fourteenth Amendment 
to punish a State in the manner therein prescribed, 
for doing what the State then had a legal and con- 



258 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

stitutional right to do, I cannot see why Congress 
has not now the same power and authority to in- 
flict the same punishment upon the State for doing 
or permitting to be done what it now has no legal 
and constitutional right to do. 

No State, in my opinion, should be allowed to 
take advantage of its own wrongs, and thus, by a 
wrongful act, augment its own power and influence 
in the government. To allow a majority of the 
white men in the State of Mississippi, for instance, 
to appropriate to themselves through questionable 
methods the representative strength of the colored 
population of that State, excluding the latter from 
all participation in the selection of the representa- 
tives in Congress, is a monstrous wrong, the con- 
tinuance of which should not be tolerated. 

For every crime there must be a punishment; 
for every wrong there must be a remedy, and for 
every grievance there must be a redress. That this 
state of things is wrong and unjust, if not unlaw- 
ful, no fair-minded person will deny. It is not 
only wrong and unjust to the colored people of the 
State, who are thus denied a voice in the govern- 
ment under which they live and to support which 
they are taxed, but it also involves a grave injustice 
to the States in which the laws are obeyed and the 
National Constitution, — including the war amend- 
ments to the same, — is respected and enforced. I 
am aware of the fact that it is claimed by those who 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 259 

are responsible for what is here complained of that, 
while the acts referred to may be an evasion if not 
a violation of the spirit of the Constitution, yet, 
since they do not violate the letter of the Constitu- 
tion the complaining parties are without a remedy, 
and therefore have no redress. This contention is 
not only weak in logic but unsound in law, even as 
construed by the Supreme Court of the United 
States, which tribunal seems to be the last to which 
an appeal can be successfully made, having for its 
object the enforcement of the Constitution and 
laws so far as they relate to the political and civil 
rights of the colored Americans. That a State can 
do by indirection what it cannot do directly, is de- 
nied even by the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

That doctrine was clearly and distinctly set forth 
in a decision of the Court rendered by Mr. Justice 
Strong, which was concurred in by a majority of 
his associates. In that decision it was held that 
affirmative State action is not necessary to consti- 
tute race discrimination by the State. In other 
words, in order to constitute affirmative State ac- 
tion in violation of the Constitutional mandate 
against distinction and discrimination based on race 
or color, it is not necessary that the State should pass 
a law for that purpose. The State, the Court de- 
dared, acts through its agents. Legislative, Executive 
and Judicial. Whenever an agent or representative 



26o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

of the State acts, his acts are binding upon the State, 
and the effect is the same as if the State had passed 
a law for that purpose. If a judge, for example, 
in the selection of jurors to serve in his court should 
knowingly and intentionally allow a particular race 
to be excluded from such service on account of 
race or color, the effect would be the same as if the 
State, through its Legislature, had passed a law for 
that purpose. The colored men in the States com- 
plained of, have been disfranchised in violation of 
the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, either 
by affirmative State action, or through and by the 
State's agents and representatives. Their acts, 
therefore, constitute State action as fully as if the 
Legislature had passed a law for that purpose. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

MISSISSIPPI AND THE NULLIFICATION OF THE 
FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT 

The defeat or abandonment of the Lodge Federal 
Elections Bill was equivalent to a declaration that 
no further attempts would be made for a good 
while, at least, to enforce by appropriate legisla- 
tion the war amendments to the Constitution. 
Southern Democrats w-ere not slow in taking ad- 
vantage of the knowledge of that fact. 

My own State, Mississippi, was the first to give 
legal effect to the practical nullification of the Fif- 
teenth Amendment. On that question the Demo- 
cratic party in the State was divided into two 
factions. The radical faction, under the leader- 
ship of Senator George, advocated the adoption 
and enforcement of extreme methods. The liberal 
or conservative faction, — or what was known as 
the Lamar wing of the party under the leadership 
of Senator Walthall, — was strongly opposed to 
such methods. Senator George advocated the call- 
ing of a Constitutional Convention, to frame a new 
Constitution for the State. Senator Walthall op- 
posed it, contending that the then Constitution, 

261 



262 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

though framed by Republicans, was, in the main, 
unobjectionable and should be allowed to stand. 
But Senator George was successful, and a conven- 
tion was called to meet in the fall of 1890. In 
order to take no chances the Senator had himself 
nominated and elected a member of the Convention. 

When the Convention met, it was found that 
there were two strong factions, one in favor of giv- 
ing legal effect to the nullification of the Fifteenth 
Amendment, and the other opposed to it. The 
George faction was slightly in the majority, re- 
sulting in one of their number, — nullificationists, 
as they were called, — Judge S. S. Calhoun, being 
elected President of the Convention. The plan ad- 
vocated and supported by the George faction, of 
which Senator George was the author, provided 
that no one be allowed to register as a voter, or vote 
if registered, unless he could read and write, or 
unless he could understand any section of the Con- 
stitution when read to him and give a reasonable in- 
terpretation thereof. This was known as the 
" understanding clause." It was plain to every 
one that its purpose was to evade the Fifteenth 
Amendment, and disfranchise the illiterate voters 
of one race without disfranchising those of the 
other. 

The opposition to this scheme was under the lead- 
ership of one of the ablest and most brilliant mem- 
bers of the bar. Judge J. B. Christman, of Lincoln 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 263 

County. As a substitute for the George plan or 
understanding clause, he ably and eloquently advo- 
cated the adoption of a fair and honest educational 
qualification as a condition precedent to registration 
and voting, to be equally applicable to whites and 
blacks. 

The speeches on both sides were able and inter- 
esting. It looked for a while as if the substitute 
clause proposed by Judge Christman would be 
adopted. In consequence of such an apprehension, 
Judge Calhoun, the President of the Convention, 
took the floor in opposition to the Christman plan, 
and in support of the one proposed by Senator 
George. The substance of his speech was that the 
Convention had been called for the purpose of in- 
suring the ascendency of the white race, — the 
Democratic party, — in the administration of the 
State Government through some other methods than 
those which had been enforced since 1875. 

" If you fail in the discharge of your duties in 
this matter," he declared, " the blood of every negro 
that will be killed in an election riot hereafter will 
be upon your shoulders." 

In other words, the speaker frankly admitted, 
what everyone knew to be a fact, that the as- 
cendency of the Democratic party in the State had 
been maintained since 1875 through methods which, 
in his opinion, should no longer be sanctioned and 
tolerated. These methods, he contended, were cor- 



264 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

rupting the morals of the people of the State and 
should be discontinued ; but the ascendency of the 
Democratic party must be maintained at any cost. 
The George plan, he urged, would accomplish this 
result, because if the negroes were disfranchised 
according to the forms of law, there would be no 
occasion to suppress his vote by violence because 
he would have no vote to suppress ; and there would 
be no occasion to commit fraud in the count or 
perjury in the returns. 

Notwithstanding this frank speech, which was in- 
tended to arouse the fears of the members of the 
Convention from a party standpoint, the defeat 
of the Christman substitute was by no means an 
assured fact. But the advocates of the George 
plan, — the " understanding clause," — were both 
desperate and determined. Contrary to public ex- 
pectation two Republicans, Geo. B. Melchoir and 
I. T. Montgomery, had been elected to the Con- 
vention from Bolivar County. But their seats were 
contested, and it was assumed that their Democratic 
contestants would be seated. Still, pending the 
final disposition of the case, the two Republicans 
were the sitting members. Montgomery was col- 
ored and Melchoir was white. But the George fac- 
tion needed those two votes. No one suspected, 
however, that they would get them in any other 
way than by seating the contestants. The advo- 
cates and supporters of the Christman substitute 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 265 

were, therefore, very much surprised and disap- 
pointed when they learned that Mr. Montgomery, 
the only colored member of the Convention, intended 
to make a speech in favor of the adoption of the 
George plan, and vote for it ; which he did. Why 
this man, who had the reputation of being honest 
and honorable, and who in point of intelligence was 
considerably above the average of his race, should 
have thus acted and voted has always been an in- 
explicable mystery. It is difficult to believe that 
he was willing to pay such a price for the retention 
of his seat in the Convention, still it is a fact that 
the contest was never called and Montgomery and 
his colleague were allowed to retain their seats. 

The adoption of the George plan was thus as- 
sured, but not without a desperate fight. The op- 
ponents of that scheme made a brave, though 
unsuccessful, fight against it But it was soon made 
plain to the advocates of the George plan that what 
they had succeeded in forcing through the Conven- 
tion would be defeated by the people at the ballot- 
box. In fact, a storm of protest was raised through- 
out the State. The Democratic press, as well as 
the members of that party, were believed to be about 
equally divided on the question of the ratification 
of the Constitution as thus framed. Since it was 
well known that the Republicans would be solid in 
their opposition to ratification, the rejection of the 
proposed Constitution was an assured fact. But 



266 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

the supporters of the George scheme fek that they 
could not afford to have the results of their labors 
go down in defeat. In order to prevent this they 
decided to deny the people the right of passing 
judgment upon the work of the Convention. The 
decision, therefore, was that the Convention by 
which the Constitution was framed should declare 
it duly ratified and approved, and to go into effect 
upon a day therein named. The people of that un- 
fortunate State, therefore, have never had an oppor- 
tunity to pass judgment upon the Constitution un- 
der which they are living and which they are re- 
quired to obey and support, that right having been 
denied them because it was known that a majority 
of them were opposed to its ratification and would 
have voted against it. 

But this so-called " understanding clause," or 
George scheme, is much more sweeping than was 
intended by its author. The intent of that 
clause was to make it possible to disfranchise the 
illiterate blacks without disfranchising the illiterate 
whites. But as construed and enforced it is not 
confined to illiterates but to persons of intelligence 
as well. No man, for instance, however intelli- 
gent he may be, can be registered as a voter or vote 
if registered, if the registering officers or the elec- 
tion officers are of the opinion that he does not un- 
derstand the Constitution. It is true, the instru- 
ment is so worded that no allusion is made to the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 267 

race or color of those seeking to be registered and 
to vote; still, it is perfectly plain to everyone that 
the purpose was to enable the State to do, through 
its authorized and duly appointed agents and rep- 
resentatives, the very thing the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment declares shall not be done. According to the 
decision of the Supreme Court, as rendered by Mr. 
Justice Strong, the effect is the same as if the in- 
strument had declared in so many words that race or 
color should be the basis of discrimination and ex- 
clusion. 

The bitter and desperate struggle between the 
two factions of the Democratic party in the State 
of Mississippi in this contest, forcibly illustrates 
the fact that the National Republican party made a 
grave mistake when it abandoned any further ef- 
fort to enforce by appropriate legislation the war 
amendments to the Constitution. In opposing and 
denouncing the questionable methods of the ex- 
treme and radical faction of their own party, the 
conservative faction of the Democrats believed, ex- 
pected, and predicted that such methods would not 
be acquiesced in by the Republican party, nor would 
they be tolerated by the National Government. If 
those expectations and predictions had been veri- 
fied they would have given the conservative element 
a justifiable excuse to break away from the radicals, 
and this would have resulted in having two strong 
political parties in that section to-day instead of 



268 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

one. But when it was seen that the National Re- 
publican party made no further opposition to the 
enforcement of those extraneous, radical and ques- 
tionable methods, that fact not only had the effect 
of preventing further opposition on the part of the 
conservative Democrats, but it also resulted in 
many of the politically ambitious among them join- 
ing the ranks of the radicals, since that was then 
the only channel through which it was possible for 
their political aspirations to be gratified. 

The reader cannot fail to see that under the plan 
in force in Mississippi there is no incentive to intel- 
ligence; because intelligence does not secure access 
to the ballot-box, nor does the lack of it prevent such 
access. It is not an incentive to the accumulation 
of wealth; because the ownership of property does 
not secure to the owner access to the ballot-box, nor 
does the lack of it prevent such access. It is not a 
cjuestion of intelligence, wealth or character, nor 
can it be said that it is wholly a question of party. 
It is simply a question of factional affiliation. The 
standard of qualification is confined to such white 
men as may be in harmony with the faction that 
may happen to have control for the time being of 
the election machinery. What is true of Missis- 
sippi in this respect is equally true of the other 
States in which schemes of various sorts have been 
invented and adopted to evade the Fifteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

EFFECT OF THE MCKINLEY TARIFF BILL ON BOTH 
POLITICAL PARTIES 

The Congressional elections of 1890 resulted in 
a crushing defeat for the Republicans. This was 
due, no doubt, to the McKinley Tariff Bill which 
became a law only about a month before the elec- 
tions of that year. Congress convened the first 
Monday in December, 1889, and that session did 
not come to a close until the following October. 
The Democrats in Congress made a bitter fight 
against the McKinley Tariff Bill, and, since 
it was a very complete and comprehensive measure, 
a great deal of time was necessarily con- 
sumed in its consideration and discussion. When 
it finally became a law the time between its passage 
and the elections was so short that the friends of 
the measure did not have time to explain and de- 
fend it before the elections took place. This placed 
the Republicans at a great disadvantage. They 
were on the defensive from the beginning. The 
result was a sweeping Democratic victory. 

But, strange to say, the same issues that produced 

Democratic success and Republican defeat at that 

269 



270 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

election brought about Republican success and 
Democratic defeat at the Presidential and Congres- 
sional elections in 1896. The McKinley Tariff Bill 
of 1890 was so popular six years later, that the 
author of that measure was deemed the strongest 
and most available man to place at the head of the 
Republican ticket as the candidate of that party 
for President. His election was a complete vindi- 
cation of the wisdom of the measure of which he 
was the author and champion. In 1890 his bill was 
so unpopular that it resulted in his own defeat for 
reelection to Congress. But this did not cause him 
to lose faith in the wisdom and the ultimate popu- 
larity of the bill which he was proud to have bear 
his name. 

" A little time," said McKinley, " will prove the 
wisdom of the measure." In this he was not mis- 
taken. His defeat for reelection to Congress ulti- 
mately made him President of the United States; 
for the following year the Republicans of his State 
elected him Governor, which was a stepping-stone 
to the Presidency. All that was needed was an 
opportunity for the merits of his bill to be thor- 
oughly tested. Shortly after its passage, but 
before it could be enforced or even explained, the 
people were led to believe that it was a harsh, cruel, 
and unjust measure, imposing heavy, unreasonable, 
and unnecessary taxes upon them, increasing the 
prices of the necessaries of life without a corre- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 271 

spending increase in the price of labor. The people 
were in an ugly mood in anticipation of what was 
never fully realized. 

It is true that the tariff was not the sole issue 
that resulted in such a sweeping Republican vic- 
tory in the National elections of 1896. The fi- 
nancial issue, which was prominent before the peo- 
ple at that time, was one of the contributory causes 
of that result. Still it cannot be denied that Mc- 
Kinley's connection with the Tariff Bill of 1890 
was what gave him the necessary national promi- 
nence to make him the most available man to be 
placed at the head of his party ticket for the Presi- 
dency that year. 



CHAPTER XXVIII 

INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE AUTHOR AND PRESIDENT 
CLEVELAND AND SECRETARY GRESHAM 

When Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated in 1893, 
I was Auditor of the Treasury for the Navy De- 
partment. Hon. J. G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, had 
been made Secretary of the Treasury. My resigna- 
tion had been tendered, the acceptance of which I 
expected to see announced any day, but the change 
did not take place until August of that year. 

While seated at my desk one day a messenger 
from the White House made his appearance, and 
I was informed that the President desired to see 
me in person. When I arrived at the White House 
I, was immediately ushered into the President's pri- 
vate office, where he was seated alone at a desk en- 
gaged in reading a book or a magazine. It was at 
an hour when he was not usually accessible to the 
public. He received me in a very cordial way. 
He informed me that there was an important mat- 
ter about which he desired to talk with me — to 
get the benefit of my opinion and experience. He 
assured me of his friendly interest in the colored 
people. It was his determination that they should 

272 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 273 

have suitable and appropriate recognition under 
his administration. He said he was very much 
opposed to the color line in politics. There was 
no more reason why a man should be opposed or 
discriminated against on account of his race than 
3n account of his religion. He believed it to be 
the duty of the Democratic party to encourage the 
colored voters to divide their votes, and the best 
way to do this was to accord to that race the same 
relative consideration, the same treatment, and to 
give the race the same recognition that is given 
Dther races and classes of which our citizenship is 
composed. The party line is the only one that 
should be drawn. He would not appoint a colored 
Republican to office merely for the purpose of giv- 
ing official recognition to the colored race, nor would 
be refuse to appoint a colored Democrat simply be- 
:ause he was colored. If this course were pursued, 
and this policy adopted and adhered to by the Dem- 
Dcratic party, the colored voters who are in harmony 
^vith that party on questions about which white men 
jsually divide, could see their way clear to vote 
in accordance with their convictions upon such 
issues, and would not be obliged to- vote against 
the party with which they may be in harmony on 
account of that party's attitude towards them as a 
race. *' In other words," he said, " it is a well- 
known fact that there are thousands of colored men 
who vote the Republican ticket at many important 



2^^, THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

elections, — not from choice but from what they 
believe to be a necessity. If the views entertained 
by me on this subject should be accepted by the 
Democratic party, as I hope and believe they will 
be, that necessity, — real or imaginary, — would no 
longer exist, and the gradual division of the colored 
vote would necessarily follow." 

He went on to say that he had not hesitated to 
express himself fully, freely and frankly with mem- 
bers of his own party on the subject, and that he 
had informed them of the course he intended to 
pursue ; but that he had been advised against ap- 
pointing any colored man to an office in which white 
women were employed. 

" Now," said the President, *' since you have been 
at the head of an important bureau in the Treasury 
Department during the past four years, a bureau 
in w^hich a number of white women are employed 
as clerks, I desire very much to know what has 
been your experiences along those lines." I in- 
formed the President that I would take pleasure 
in giving him the information desired. I assured 
him that if my occupancy of that office had been 
the occasion of the slightest embarrassment to any- 
one connected with the public service, — whether in 
the office over which I presided or any other, — 
that fact had never been brought to my notice. On 
the contrary, I had every reason to believe that no 
one who had previously occupied the position en- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 275 

oyed the respect, good-will and friendship of the 
':lerks and other employees to a greater extent than 
vas enjoyed by me. My occupancy of that office 
lad more than demonstrated the fact, if such were 
iecessary, that official position and social contact 
vere separate and distinct. My contact with the 
lerks and other employees of the office was offi- 
:ial, not social. During office hours they were sub- 
ect to my direction and supervision in the discharge 
)f their official duties, and I am pleased to say that 
dl of them, without a single exception, have shown 
he that courtesy, deference and respect due to the 
lead of the office. After office hours they went 
heir way and I went mine. No new social ties 
vere created and none were broken or changed as 
he result of the official position occupied by me. I 
issured the President, that, judging from my own 
;xperience, he need not have the slightest appre- 
lension of any embarrassment, friction or unpleas- 
mtness growing out of the appointment of a col- 
)red man of intelligence, good judgment and wise 
iiscretion as head of any bureau in which white 
vomen were employed. 

I could not allow the interview to close without 
xpressing to the President my warm appreciation 
Df his fair, just, reasonable and dignified position 
m the so-called race question. 

" Your attitude," I said, " if accepted in good 
faith by your party, will prove to be the solution of 



276 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

this mythical race problem. Although I am a pro- 
nounced Republican, yet, as a colored American, I 
am anxious to have such a condition of things 
brought about as will allow a colored man to be a 
Democrat if he so desires. I believe you have 
stated the case accurately when you say that thou- 
sands of colored men have voted the Republican 
ticket at important elections, from necessity and 
not from choice. As a Republican, it is my hope 
that colored as well as white men, act with and 
vote for the candidates of that party when worthy 
and meritorious, but as a colored American, I want 
them to be so situated that they can vote that way 
from choice and not from necessity. No man can 
be a free and independent American citizen who is 
obliged to sacrifice his convictions upon the altar of 
his personal safety. The attitude of the Demo- 
cratic party upon this so-called race question has 
made the colored voter a dependent, and not an 
independent, American citizen. The Republican 
party emancipated him from physical bondage, for 
which he is grateful. It remains for the Democratic 
party to emancipate him from political bondage, for 
which he will be equally grateful. You are en- 
gaged, Mr. President, in a good and glorious work. 
As a colored man I thank you for the brave and 
noble stand you have taken. God grant that you, 
as a Democrat, may have influence enough to get 
the Democratic party as an organization to sup- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 277 

port you in the noble stand you have so bravely 
taken." 

The President thanked me for my expressions 
of good-will, and thus terminated what to me was 
a remarkable as well as a pleasant and most agree- 
able interview. 

A few^ days later a messenger from the State 
Department called at my office and informed me 
that the Secretary of State, Judge Gresham, desired 
to see me. Judge Gresham and I had been warm 
personal friends for many years. He had occupied 
m.any positions of prominence and responsibility. 
He had been a major-general in the Union army, 
and was with Sherman's army during that celebrated 
March through Georgia. He w^as one of the leading 
candidates for the Presidential nomination before 
the National Republican Convention at Chicago in 
1888, when General Benjamin Harrison, of In- 
diana, was nominated. 

I was a member of that Convention and one of 
Judge Gresham's active supporters. In the cam- 
paign that followed Judge Gresham gave General 
Harrison his active and loyal support, but, for some 
unaccountable reason, he supported Mr. Cleveland 
against General Harrison in 1892. Mr. Cleveland 
was not only elected, but, contrary to public ex- 
pectation, he carried the State of Illinois, — a State 
in which Judge Gresham was known to be very 
popular, especially among the colored people of 



278 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

> 

Chicago ; many of whom, it was said, voted for Mr. 
Cleveland through the efforts and influence of Judge 
Gresham. Mr. Cleveland evidently believed that his 
success in Illinois was due largely to Judge Gresham, 
and as evidence of that fact, and because Judge 
Gresham was known to be a very able man, Mr. 
Cleveland paid him the distinguished honor of ap- 
pointing him to the leading position in his cabinet, — 
that of Secretary of State. 

When I called at the State Department the Judge 
invited me to a seat in his private office. He said 
there was an important matter about which he de- 
sired to talk with me. My name, he said, had 
been the subject of a recent conversation between the 
President and himself. The President, he said, 
was well aware of the cordial relations existing be- 
tween us, and believed that if any man could in- 
fluence my action he, Gresham, was that man. 

" Now," said the Judge, " the President has 
formed a very favorable opinion of you. He is 
anxious to have you remain at the head of the im- 
portant bureau over which you are now presiding 
in such a creditable and satisfactory manner. But 
you understand that it is a political office. As anx- 
ious as the President is to retain you, and as anxious 
as I am to have him do so, he could not do it and 
you could neither ask nor expect him to do it, un- 
less you were known to be in sympathy with, and a 
supporter of, his administration, — at least in the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 279 

-nain. Now, you know that I am not only your 
riend, but that I am a friend to the colored people. 

know you are a Republican. So am I ; but I am a 
Heveland man. Cleveland is a better Republican 
han Harrison. In supporting- Cleveland against 
larrison I am no less a Republican. As your friend 

would not advise you to do anything that would 
nilitate against your interests. Knowing, as you 
o, that I am not only your friend but also a good 
Republican, you can at least aflford to follow where 

lead. I want you, then, to authorize me to say 
the President that you are in sympathy with the 
;iain purposes of his administration as explained 
you by me, and that his decision to retain you 
a your present position will be fully and keenly ap- 
ireciated by you." 

In my reply I stated that while I was very grate- 
ul to the Judge for his friendly interest in me, and 
i^hile I highly appreciated the President's good opin- 
Dn of me, it would not be possible for me to con- 
ent to retain the position I then occupied upon the 
onditions named. 

" If," I said, " it is the desire of the President to 
lave me remain in charge of that office during his 
dministration or any part thereof, I would be 
lerfectly willing to do so if I should be permitted 
remain free from any conditions, pledges, prom- 
ses or obligations. The conditions suggested 
nean nothing more nor less than that I shall iden- 



28o THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

tify myself with the Democratic party. The Presi- 
dent has no office at his disposal the acceptance or 
retention of which could be a sufficient inducement 
for me to take such a step as that. I agree with 
what you have said about Mr. Cleveland, so far as 
he is personally concerned. I have every reason 
to believe that he has a friendly interest in the 
colored people and that he means to do the fair 
thing by them so far as it may be in his power. But 
he was elected as a Democrat. He is the head of a 
National Democratic Administration. No man can 
be wholly independent of his party, — a fact recog- 
nized in the conditions suggested in my own case. 
I don't think that Mr. Cleveland is what would be 
called in my part of the country a good Democrat, 
because I believe he is utterly devoid of race prej- 
udice, and is not in harmony with those who insist 
upon drawing the color line in the Democratic party. 
In my opinion he is in harmony with the Democratic 
party only on one important public question, — the 
tariff. On all others, — the so-called race question 
not excepted, — he is in harmony with what I be- 
lieve to be genuine Republicanism. Still, as I have 
already stated, he was elected as a Democrat; and, 
since he holds that the office now occupied by me 
is a political one, it ought to be filled by one who is 
in political harmony with the administration. I 
am not that man; for I cannot truthfully say that 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 281 

I am in harmony with the main purposes of the ad- 
ministration." 

The Judge remarked that my decision was a dis- 
appointment to him, and he believed that I would 
some day regret having made it, but that he would 
communicate to the President the result of our in- 
terview. In spite of this, my successor, Morton, 
a Democrat from Maine, was not appointed until 
the following August. 



CHAPTER XXIX 

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF I9OO 

As a delegate to the National Republican Conven- 
tion of 1900, I was honored by my delegation with 
being selected to represent Mississippi on the Com- 
mittee on Platform and Resolutions; and by the 
chairman of that committee, Senator Fairbanks, I 
was made a member of the sub-committee that 
drafted the platform. At the first meeting of the 
sub-committee, the Ohio member, Senator J. B. For- 
aker, submitted the draft of a platfonn that had 
been prepared at Washington which was made the 
basis of quite a lengthy and interesting discussion. 
This discussion developed the fact that the Wash- 
ington draft was not at all satisfactory to a major- 
ity of the sub-committee. The New York member, 
Hon. L. E. Quigg, was especially pronounced in his 
objections, not so much to what was declared, but 
to the manner and form in which the declarations 
were made. In his opinion, the principles of the 
party were not set forth in the Washington draft 
in language that w'ould make them clearly under- 
stood and easily comprehended by the reading pub- 
lic. After every member who desired to speak had 

282 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 283 

done so, it was agreed that those who desired 
amendments, changes, or additions should submit 
the same in writing, and that these with the Wash- 
ington draft be turned over to Mr. Quigg as a 
sub-committee of one. A platform in harmony with 
the views expressed by members of the committee 
would then be carefully prepared, and the same sub- 
mitted to the sub-committee at an adjourned meet- 
ing to be held at an early hour the next morn- 
ing. 

The only amendment suggested by me was one, 
the purpose of which was to express more clearly 
the attitude of the party with reference to the en- 
forcement of the war amendments to the National 
Constitution. When the sub-committee met the 
next morning Mr. Quigg submitted an entirely new 
draft, which he had prepared the afternoon and 
night before, using the Washington draft and the 
amendments submitted by members of the sub-com- 
mittee as the basis of what he had done. His draft 
proved to be so satisfactory to the sub-committee 
that it was accepted and adopted with very slight 
modifications. Mr. Quigg seemed to have been 
very careful in the preparation of his draft, not only 
giving expression to the views of the sub-committee, 
which had been developed in the discussion, and as 
had been set forth in the suggested amendments re- 
ferred to him, but the manner and form of ex- 
pression used by him impressed the committee as 



284 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

being a decided improvement upon the Washington 
draft, although the subject matter in both drafts was 
substantially the same. Mr. Quigg's draft, with 
very slight changes and alterations, was not only 
accepted and adopted, but he was the recipient of 
the thanks of the other members for the excellent 
manner in which he had discharged the important 
duty that had been assigned him. 

The full committee was then convened by which 
the unanimous report of the sub-committee was 
adopted without opposition and without change. 
But I had anticipated a renewal of the effort to 
change the basis of representation in future National 
Republican Conventions, and had, therefore, made 
some little mental preparation to take a leading part 
in opposition to its adoption. Such a proposition 
had been submitted at nearly every National Con- 
vention of the party since 1884. That a similar 
effort would be made at this convention I had good 
reasons to believe. In this I was not mistaken. It 
was introduced by Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania. 
His proposition, like the others, was that in the 
future delegates to the National Convention should 
be apportioned among the different States upon the 
basis of the votes polled for the party candidates 
at the last preceding national election, instead of 
upon the basis of the States' representation in Con- 
gress. On the first view this proposition seems to 
be both reasonable and fair, but it cannot stand the 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 285 

test of an intelligent analysis. As soon as I sought 
and secured the recognition of the chair, I offered 
an amendment in the nature of a substitute, de- 
claring it to be the judgment of the party that in all 
States in which there had been an evasion of the 
Fifteenth Amendment by State action, that there 
should be a reduction in the representation in Con- 
gress from such State or States in the manner and 
for the purpose expressed in the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment. A point of order was immediately made 
against the amendment, but the occupant of the 
chair, Senator Lodge, stated that he would hold his 
decision in reserve pending an explanation by me 
of the amendment I had submitted. At that time a 
suggestion was made that the whole subject be 
postponed until the next day, to which I assented, 
and then yielded the floor. But it was not again 
called up, hence my speech was never delivered. 
Since it may be of some interest to the reader to 
get an idea of what I had in mind, I shall here set 
down in the main what I intended to say on that 
occasion had the opportunity been presented. 

" Mr. Chairman, while there may be some doubt, 
in a parliamentary sense, as to whether or not the 
amendment I have submitted can be entertained as 
a substitute for the original proposition, it cannot 
be denied that it relates to the same subject matter. 
I hope, therefore, that the Convention will have an 
opportunity in some way of voting upon it in lieu 



286 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

of the one that has been presented by the distin- 
guished gentleman from Pennsylvania. It is a 
well-known fact that under the present system each 
State is entitled to double the number of delegates 
that it has Senators and Representatives in Con- 
gress. The plan now proposed is that the appor- 
tionment in future conventions be based upon the 
number of votes polled for the candidates of the 
party at the last preceding National election, ac- 
cording to what is known as the * official returns/ 
although it may be a fact, as is unquestionably true 
in some States, tliat the ' official returns ' may not 
be free from fraud, — that they may represent in 
some instances not the actual party vote polled, but 
the party vote counted, certified, and returned. 
This plan, therefore, means that representation from 
some States in future National Republican Conven- 
tions will not be based upon Republican strength, 
nor determined by Republican votes, but will 
be fixed and determined by Democratic election 
officials. In other words. Democrats, and not Re- 
publicans, will fix and determine in a large 
measure, representation in future Conventions of 
the Republican party. 

" The proposed change is predicated upon the as- 
sumption that elections are fair and returns are 
honest in all the States at each and every National 
election. If that were true the difference in the 
representation from the several States would be un- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 287 

important and immaterial, even under the proposed 
change, hence there would be no occasion for the 
change. The fact that this assumption is not true 
furnishes the basis for the alleged inequality in 
representation, and the apparent necessity for the 
change proposed. In addition to this it is a well- 
known fact that in several of the Southern States, 
— my own, Mississippi, among the number, — the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the National Constitution 
has been practically nullified, and that the colored 
men in such States have been as effectually dis- 
franchised as if the Fifteenth Amendment were not 
a part of the organic law of the land. If the plan 
that is now proposed by the distinguished gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania should be adopted, the Na- 
tional Republican party by accepting them and mak- 
ing them' the basis of representation in future 
National Conventions of the party will have there- 
by placed itself on record as having given its sanc- 
tion to the questionable methods by which these 
results have been accomplished. I frankly confess 
that the plan I have presented is based upon the 
humiliating confession that the Government is with- 
out power under the Constitution as construed by 
the Supreme Court to effectually enforce the war 
amendments ; and that in consequence thereof noth- 
ing is left to be done but to fall back upon the plan 
prescribed by the Fourteenth Amendment, which 
is to reduce the representation in Congress from 



288 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

such States in the manner and for the purposes 
therein stated. 

" It is true that the Fourteenth Amendment hav- 
ing been proposed and submitted prior to the Fif- 
teenth, the provision w^ith reference to reduction of 
representation in Congress w^as predicated upon the 
assumption that the different States could then le- 
gally make race or color a ground of discrimination 
in prescribing the qualification of electors. Still, 
it occurs to me that if a State could be thus punished 
for doing that which it had a legal right to do, the 
same punishment can now be inflicted for doing that 
which it can no longer legally do. If the plan 
proposed by the distinguished gentleman from 
Pennsylvania should be adopted, the Republican 
party will not only have placed itself on record as 
having given its sanction to the methods by which 
these results will have been accomplished, but it 
will be notice to the different States, north as well as 
south, that any of them that may see fit to take ad- 
vantage of their own wrongs will have no occasion 
to fear any future punishment being inflicted upon 
the State for so doing. Under the plan thus pro- 
posed the State that may thus take advantage of 
its own wrongs will not only receive no punishment 
in the reduction of its representation in Congress, 
but its methods and practices will have been ap- 
proved and adopted by the Republican party. 

" On the other hand, the plan I propose is one 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 289 

which is equivalent to a notice to the different States 
that, while the National Government may not be 
able to enforce by appropriate legislation the war 
amendments to the Constitution, the Legislative de- 
partment of the Government can prevent a State 
from taking advantage of its own wrongs, through 
the infliction of a punishment upon the State in the 
reduction of its representation in Congress. Since 
representation in the National Convention is based 
upon the States' representation in Congress, it will 
be seen that if the representation in Congress from 
such States should be reduced, it would result in a 
reduction in the representation from such States 
in the National Convention. The main purpose, 
therefore, which the distinguished gentleman from 
Pennsylvania seems to have in view will have been 
practically accomplished, but in a far different and 
in a much less objectionable w'ay. It will be some 
satisfaction to southern Republicans, who are denied 
access to the ballot-box through an evasion of the 
National Constitution, to know that if they are to 
be denied a voice in future National Conventions of 
the party to which they belong, because they are un- 
able to make their votes effective at the baHot-box, 
the party or State by which they are thus wronged 
will not be allowed to take advantage of, and enjoy 
the fruits thereof. They will at least have the sat- 
isfaction of knowing that if they cannot vote them- 
selves, others cannot vote for them, and thus ap- 



290 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

propriate to themselves the increased representation 
in Congress and in the electoral college to which 
the State is entitled, based upon their representative 
strength. 

" The strongest point in favor of this proposed 
change, as I have endeavored to show, grows out of 
the apparent inequality in representation in the Na- 
tional Convention due to the denial of access to 
the ballot-box to Republicans through an evasion 
of the Fifteenth Amendment. I cannot believe, 
Mr. Chairman, that this convention can be induced 
to favorably consider any proposition, the effect of 
which will be to sanction and approve the question- 
able methods by which the colored Republicans 
in several Southern States have been disfranchised. 
I cannot believe that this convention can be in- 
duced to favorably consider any proposition, the 
effect of which will be the sending of a message of 
sympathy and encouragement to the Democrats of 
North Carolina, who are now engaged in an effort 
to disfranchise the colored Republicans of that 
State. 

" The colored Americans ask no special favors as a 
class, — and no special protection as a race. All 
they ask and insist upon is equal civil and political 
rights, and a voice in the government under which 
they live, and to which they owe allegiance, and for 
the support of which they are taxed. They feel 
that they are entitled to such consideration and 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 291 

treatment, not as a matter of favor but as a matter 
of right. They came to the rescue of their country 
when its flag was trailing in the dust of treason 
and rebellion, and freely watered the tree of liberty 
with the precious and patriotic blood that flowed 
from their loyal veins. 

" There sits upon the floor of this convention to- 
day a distinguished gentleman whose name is upon 
the lips of every patriotic American citizen. The 
gentleman to whom I refer, is the member from the 
great and important State of New York, Theodore 
Roosevelt, who, as the brave leader of the American 
troops, led the charge upon San Juan Hill. In 
following the lead of that gallant officer on that 
momentous occasion, the colored American again 
vindicated his right to a voice in the government 
of his country. In his devotion to the cause of 
liberty and justice the colored American has shown 
that he w^as not only willing and ready at any and 
all times to sacrifice his life upon the altar of his 
own country, but that he is also willing to fight 
side by side with his white American brother in an 
effort to plant the tree of liberty upon a foreign 
soil. Must it now be said, that, in spite of all 
this, the colored American finds himself without a 
home, without a country, w^ithout friends, and even 
without a party ? God forbid ! 

" Mr. Chairman, the colored American has been 
taught to believe that when all other parties and 



292 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

organizations are against him, he can always look 
with hope and encouragement to conventions of the 
Republican party. Must that hope now be de- 
stroyed? Must he now be made to feel and to 
realize the unpleasant fact that, as an American 
citizen, his ambition, his hopes and his aspirations 
are to be buried beneath the sod of disappointment 
and despair? Mr. Chairman, the achievements of 
the Republican party as the friend and champion 
of equal civil and political rights for all classes 
of American citizens, constitute one of the most 
brilliant chapters in the history of that grand and 
magnificent organization. Must that chapter now* 
be blotted out? Are you now prepared to confess 
that in these grand and glorious achievements the 
party made a grave mistake ? 

" It was a most beautiful and imposing scene that 
took place yesterday when a number of venerable 
men who took part in the organization of the Re- 
publican party, occupied seats upon the platform of 
this convention. The presence of those men brought 
to mind pleasant and agreeable recollections of the 
past. Until the Republican party was organized, 
the middle classes, the laboring people, the oppressed 
and the slave had no channel through which to 
reach the bar of public opinion. The Democratic 
party was controlled by the slave oligarchy of the 
South, whilst the Whig party had not the courage 
of its convictions. The Republican party came to 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 293 

the front with a determination to secure, if possible, 
freedom for the slave, liberty for the oppressed, 
and justice and fair play for all classes and races 
of our population. That its efforts in these direc- 
tions have not been wholly in vain are among the 
most glorious and brilliant achievements that will 
constitute a most important part of the history of 
our country ; for it had been the unmistakable deter- 
mination of that party to make this beaiLitiful coun- 
try of ours in truth and in fact the land of the free 
and the home of the brave. Surely it is not your 
purpose now to reverse and undo any part of the 
grand and noble work that has been so successfully 
and so well done along these lines. 

" And yet that is just what you will have done if 
you adopt the proposition presented by the dis- 
tinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania. While I 
do not assert and cannot believe that such was or 
is the purpose and desire of the author of that 
proposition, yet no one that will give the matter 
careful consideration can fail to see that the effect 
of it will be to undo, in part at least, what the Re- 
publican party has accomplished since its organiza- 
tion. As a colored Republican, speaking in behalf 
of that class of our fellow citizens who honor and 
revere the Republican party for what it has ac- 
complished in the past, I feel that I have a right to 
appeal to you not to cloud the magnificent record 
which this grand organization has made. So far 



294 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

as the colored man is concerned, you found him a 
slave ; you have made him a free man. You found 
him a serf ; you have made him a sovereign. You 
found him a dependent menial ; you have made him a 
soldier. I therefore appeal to the members of this 
Convention, in the name of the history of the Re- 
publican party, and in behalf of justice and fair- 
play, to vote down this unjust, unfair, unv^ise and 
unnecessary proposition which has been presented 
by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania."' 



CHAPTER XXX 

ARGUMENT ON PROPOSED CHANGE OF REPRESENTA- 
TION IN CONVENTION 

In addition to the reasons already given there 
are many others that might be urged against the 
proposed change of representation. 

In the first place, the present plan is based upon 
the sound and stable principle upon which the Gov- 
ernment was organized. Representation in Con- 
gress is not based upon votes or voters, but upon! 
population. The same is true of the different State 
Legislatures. All political parties, — or, at any 
rate, the principal ones, — have adopted the same 
system in the make-up of their State and National 
Conventions. The membership of the National 
Convention being based upon each States represen- 
tation in Congress, the State Conventions, with per- 
haps a few exceptions, are based upon the repre- 
sentation in the State Legislatures from each county, 
parish, or other civil division. It is the fairest, 
safest, best, and most equitable plan that can be 
devised or adopted. 

Under this plan or system, no State, section 
or locality can gain or lose representation in any 

295 



296 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

party convention through the application of ex- 
traneous or questionable methods, either by the 
action of the government or of a political 
party. The representation in Congress and in the 
different State Legislatures, which is based upon 
population, fixes the representation from each State 
in the different National Conventions and in many 
of the State Conventions. Any other plan or sys- 
tem, — especially that which is based upon the num- 
ber of votes cast for the candidates of the party as 
officially ascertained and declared, — would have a 
tendency to work serious injustice to certain States 
and sections. In fact, it would have a tendency to 
sectionalize the party by which the change is made. 
Under the present system, for instance, Pennsyl- 
vania and Texas have the same representation in a 
National Democratic Convention that they have in 
a National Republican Convention, although one 
is usually Republican in National elections and the 
other Democratic. And why should not the rep- 
resentation from those States be the same in both 
conventions? Why should Texas, because it is 
believed to be safely Democratic, have more power 
and influence in a Democratic Convention on that 
account than the Republican State of Pennsylvania? 
The answer may be because one is a Democratic and 
the other a Republican State — because one can be 
relied upon to give its electoral votes to the candi- 
dates of the Democratic party while the other can- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 297 

not. But this is not in harmony with our govern- 
mental system. Representation in Congress being 
based upon population, every State, section and lo- 
cality has its relative weight and influence in the 
government in accordance with the number of its 
inhabitants. 

That this is the correct principle will not be se- 
riously questioned when it is carefully considered. 
What is true of Pennsylvania and Texas in a Na- 
tional Democratic Convention is equally true of the 
same States in a National Republican Convention, 
and for the same reasons. The argument that 
Pennsylvania should have relatively a larger repre- 
sentation in a National Republican Convention than 
Texas, because the former is reliably Republican 
while the latter is hopelessly Democratic, is just 
as fallacious in this case as in the other. But it is 
said that delegates from States that cannot contrib- 
ute to the success of the ticket should not have a 
potential voice in nominating a ticket that other 
States must be depended upon to elect. Then why 
not exclude them altogether, and also those from 
the territories and the District of Columbia? 

The argument is unsound, and unreasonable ; a 
State may be reliably Republican at one election and 
yet go Democratic at the next. In 1872 General 
Grant, the Republican candidate for President, car- 
ried nearly every State in the Union, in the South as 
well as in the North. Four years later Governor 



298 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Hayes, the Republican candidate for President, 
came within one vote of being defeated in the elec- 
toral college; and even then his election was made 
possible only through the decision of the Electoral 
Commission. In 1880 General Garfield, the Re- 
publican candidate for President, carried New York, 
and was elected ; while four years later Mr. Blaine, 
the candidate of the same party, lost it and was de- 
feated. In 1888 Harrison, the Republican Presi- 
dential candidate, carried New York, and was 
elected ; four years later he not only lost New York, 
but also such important States as Indiana and Illi- 
nois, and came within a few votes of losing Ohio. 
This was due to a slump in the Republican vote 
throughout the country, which would have made a 
very radical change in the National Convention of 
1896 if the apportionment of delegates to that con- 
vention had been based upon the votes cast for Har- 
rison in 1892. While McKinley, the Republican 
Presidential candidate, was elected by a large ma- 
jority in 1896, he lost such important Western 
States as Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Montana, 
Washington and Nevada. While he w^as reelected 
four years later by an increased majority, he again 
lost some of the same States. While Roosevelt, the 
Republican Presidential candidate in 1904, carried 
every State that McKinley carried in 1900, and 
several others besides, Mr. Bryan, the Democratic 
candidate in 1908, though defeated by a large ma- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 299 

jority, regained some of the Western States that 
Roosevelt carried in 1904, — notably his own State 
of Nebraska. 

There was a time when such States as Delaware, 
Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and 
Tennessee were as safely Democratic as Texas and 
Georgia. Will anyone assert that such is true of 
them now? There also was a time when such 
States as Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada w^ere as 
reliably Republican as Pennsylvania and Vermont. 
Is that true of them now? In addition to these, 
taking into consideration important elections that 
have been held since 1880, the Republicans cannot 
absolutely rely upon the support of such States as 
Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, and even Ohio. 
Even the strong Republican State of Pennsylvania 
has occasionally gone Democratic in what is called 
an " off year." Other Republican States, — or 
States that usually go Republican, — have gone 
Democratic when it was not an off year, — Illinois, 
for instance, in 1892. All of this goes to prove how 
unreliable, unsafe, unsatisfactory, unjust and un- 
fair would be the change in the basis of representa- 
tion as thus proposed. 

Another argument in support of the proposed 
change is that delegates from Democratic States are, 
as a rule, controlled by the administration then in 
power, if Republican, and that such delegates can 



300 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

be depended upon to support the administration can- 
didate whoever he may be, regardless of merit, 
strength or availability. This argument, of course, 
is based upon the assumption that what is true of 
Democratic States in this respect is not true of Re- 
publican States. The slightest investigation will eas- 
ily establish the fallacy of this assumption. The 
truth is that the federal office-holders — especially 
those holding appointive offices, — can, with a few 
exceptions, always be depended upon to support the 
Administration candidate, whoever he may be. The 
only difference between the North and the South in 
this respect is that in some of the Southern States, 
where but one party is allowed to exist, — the Demo- 
cratic party, — the Republican office-holders can 
more easily manipulate and control the conventions 
of their party in such States. But that the office- 
holders of all sections constitute an important fac- 
tor in the election of delegates to the National 
Conventions will not be denied by those who are 
familiar with the facts, and are honest enough to 
admit them. 

For purposes of illustration we will take the Na- 
tional Republican Convention of 1908, which nomi- 
nated Judge Taft. It was known that Judge Taft 
was the man whose candidacy was supported by the 
Administration. The proceedings of the Conven- 
tion revealed the fact that outside of five States that 
had what were called " favorite son " candidates of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 301 

their own, there were perhaps not more than fifty 
votes in the whole Convention that were opposed to 
the administration candidate, although it is more 
than probable that Judge Taft would not have been 
nominated but for the fact that he was the choice 
of the administration. 

I am sure no fair-minded person will assert that, 
in thus voting, the delegates from the Democratic 
States were influenced by the administration, while 
those from Republican States were not. It is not 
my purpose to assert or even intimate that any 
questionable methods were used to influence the 
election, or control the votes of the delegates in the 
interest of any one candidate. Nothing of that 
sort was necessary, since human nature is the same 
the world over. 

That the office-holders should be loyal to the ad- 
ministration to which they belong is perfectly nat- 
ural. That those who wish to become ofiice-holders 
should be anxious to be on the winning side is also 
natural, and that, too, w'ithout regard to the locality 
or section in which they live. It is a fact, there- 
fore, that up to 1908 no candidate has ever been 
nominated by a Republican National Convention 
who did not finally receive a sufficient number of 
votes from all sections of the country to make his 
nomination practically the choice of the party with- 
out regard to sectional lines. 

If, then, it be a fact that in 1908, for instance. 



302 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

delegates to the National Republican Convention 
were elected and controlled through administration 
influences in the interest of any one candidate, such 
influences were no less potential in Republican than 
in Democratic States. Outside of the administra- 
tion candidate there were at that Convention five 
very important States that presented candidates of 
their own. They were New York, Indiana, Illi- 
nois, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. That the dele- 
gation from each of said States were practically 
solid in the support of its " favorite son " was due 
largely to the wise decision of the managers of the 
administration candidate to concede to each of said 
" favorite sons " the delegation from his own State 
without a contest. But for this decision, which 
was wisely made in the interest of party harmony, 
no one of those " favorite sons " would have had 
the solid delegation from his own State. As it 
was, a large majority of the delegates from the 
five States named was not unfriendly to the Admin- 
istration candidate. These delegates voted for 
their " favorite sons " simply because they knew 
that in doing so they were not antagonizing the 
administration. There never was a time, therefore, 
when they could have been united upon any one 
candidate in opposition to the one that had at his 
back the powerful support of the Administration. 
Our government has reached that point in its 
growth, where it is not only possible, but compara- 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 303 

tively easy, for an administration to secure the 
nomination of the one by whom it desires to be 
succeeded, — especially under the present system of 
electing delegates. It was in anticipation of this, 
and to prevent any one man from perpetuating him- 
self in power, that Washington established the prec- 
edent against a third successive term. 

If the advocates of this proposed change are to 
be believed, and if they wish to be consistent, they 
should include the National Committee. The com- 
position of that body is somewhat similar to that 
of the United States Senate. In the Senate Nevada 
and Delaware have the same representation as New 
York and Pennsylvania. In the National Commit- 
tee each State, territory, and the District of Colum- 
bia has one vote. If any change in the interest of 
reform is necessary, the National Republican Com- 
mittee is the organization where it should first be 
made ; for it often happens that that committee can 
not only shape the policy of the party but control the 
nomination as well, — especially when the result be- 
tween opposing candidates is close and doubtful. 
In such a contest the candidate that has the support 
of a majority of the National Committee has a de- 
cided advantage over his rivals for the nomination. 
If the result should be close that advantage will be 
more than likely to secure him the nomination. 

The National Committee prepares the roll of the 
delegates to the Convention, and, in doing so, it de- 



304 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

cides primarily every contested seat. If the con- 
tests thus decided should give any one candidate a 
majority, that majority will be sure to retain the 
advantage thus secured. It will thus be seen that if 
any change is necessary this is the place where it 
should first be made. It occurs to me that instead of 
changing the basis of representation the most ef- 
fective remedy for the evils now complained of is 
to have the delegates to National Conventions 
elected at popular primaries, instead of by State and 
district conventions. 



CHAPTER XXXI 

COMPARISON OF BRYAN AND CLEVELAND 

It was upon the territory which now comprises 
the States of Kansas and Nebraska that the pre- 
Hminary battles in the interest of freedom were suc- 
cessfully fought. This is especially true of that 
part of the territory which now comprises the State 
of Kansas. But not only for that reason has that 
State occupied a prominent place before the public; 
other events of national importance have had their 
birth there. It was Kansas that furnished one of 
the Republican United State Senators who voted 
against the conviction, of Andrew Johnson, — who 
had been impeached by the House of Representatives 
for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, — and 
thus secured the President's acquittal. That State 
also furnished one of the most remarkable men that 
ever occupied a seat in the United States Senate, 
John J. Ingalls. 

I distinctly remember him as an able and brilliant 
young Senator when, — in 1875, under the leader- 
ship of Senator George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, — 
he took a prominent part in the successful fight that 
was made in that body to secure the passage of the 

305 



3o6 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Sumner Civil Rights Bill. It was this fight that 
demonstrated his fitness for the position he subse- 
quently occupied as one of the distinguished leaders 
on the Republican side of the Senate. He was a 
natural born orator, having a wonderful com- 
mand of the English language; and, while he 
was somewhat superficial and not always logical, he 
never failed to be interesting, though he was seldom 
instructive. For severe satire and irony he had few 
equals and no superiors. It was on this account 
that no Senator was anxious to get into a contro- 
versy with him. But for two unfortunate events 
in the career of John J. Ingalls he would have filled 
a much more important position in the history of 
his country than it is now possible for the impartial 
historian to give him. 

Kansas, unfortunately, proved to be a fertile 
field for the growth and development of that ephem- 
eral organization known as the Populist party, — a 
party that had secured a majority in the Legislature 
that was to elect the successor to Mr. Ingalls. The 
Senator evidently had great confidence in his own 
oratorical ability. He appeared to have conceived 
the idea that it was possible for him to make a 
speech on the floor of the Senate that would insure 
his reelection even by a Populist Legislature. In 
this, — as he soon found out, to his bitter dis- 
appointment, — he was mistaken. He no doubt 
came to the same conclusion that many of his 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 307 

friends and admirers had already come to, that in 
bidding for the support of the PoptiHsts of his State 
he had made the mistake of his life. The impres- 
sion he made upon the public mind was that he was 
devoid of principle, and that he was willing to sac- 
rifice his own party upon the altar of his ambition. 
But it was neither known nor suspected that he 
contemplated making a bid for the support of the 
Populist members of the Legislature until he deliv- 
ered his speech. When, therefore, it was an- 
nounced that Senator Ingalls would address the 
Senate on a certain day, he was greeted, as on 
previous occasions, with a large audience. But this 
was the first time that his hearers had been sadly 
disappointed. This was due more to what was said 
than how it was said. Then it was plain to those who 
heard him that his heart was not in what he was 
saying; hence the speech was devoid of that fiery 
eloquence which on previous occasions had charmed 
and electrified his hearers. But, after that speech, 
when one of his auditors would ask another what 
he thought of it, the reply invariably was a groan 
of disappointment. When the immense crowd dis- 
persed at the conclusion of the speech instead of 
smiling faces and pleasing countenances as on pre- 
vious occasions, one could not help noticing marked 
evidences of disappointment in every face. The 
impression that had been made was, that it was an 
appeal to the Populist members of the Legislature of 



3o8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

his State to return him to the Senate, in exchange 
for which he was wilhng to turn his back upon the 
party which he was then serving. It was almost 
equivalent to an open declaration of his willingness 
to identify himself with the Populists, and champion 
their cause if they would reelect him to the seat 
he then occupied. From the effects of that fatal 
blunder the Senator never recovered. 

Another thing that lessened the distinguished 
orator and Senator in the estimation of the public 
was his radically changed attitude upon questions 
affecting the political, social and industrial status 
of the colored Americans. From a brilliant and 
eloquent champion and defender of their civil and 
political rights he became one of their most severe 
critics. From his latest utterances upon that sub- 
ject it was clear to those who heard what he said 
that the colored Americans merited nothing that 
had been said and done in their behalf, but nearly 
everything that had been said and done against 
them. Why there had been such a radical change 
in his attitude upon that subject, has been an in- 
explicable mystery. The only explanation that I 
have heard from the lips of some of his former 
friends and admirers was that it was in the nature 
of an experiment, — the expectation being that it 
would give him a sensational fame throughout the 
country, which could be utilized to his financial ad- 
vantage upon his retirement to private life. This 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 309 

explanation would have been rejected without se- 
rious consideration, but for the fact that some 
others have pursued the same course for the same 
reason, and their hopes have been, in a large meas- 
ure, realized. In his bid for the support of the 
Populist members of the Legislature of his State 
the Senator had established the fact that he did 
not have very strong convictions upon any subject, 
and that those he had could be easily changed to 
suit the times and the occasion. 

Nebraska, though not very strong politically, is 
one of the -most important States in the West. It 
has sent a number of men to the front who have 
made an impression upon the public mind. For 
many years no State in the Union was more reliably 
Republican than Nebraska. A large majority of 
its voters, I am sure, are not now in harmony with 
the Democratic party, — nor have they ever been 
so, — but it is true, at the same time, that thousands 
of those who for many years acted with the Re- 
publican party, and voted for its candidates, have 
become alienated, thus making Republican success 
at any election in the State close and doubtful, and 
that, too, regardless of the merits of opposing can- 
didates or the platform declarations of opposing 
parties. 

For this remarkable change there must be a good 
and sufficient reason. The State in its early his- 
tory was sparsely populated, and stood very much 



3IO THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

in need of railroads for the development of its re- 
sources. In those days, raih'oads were very popu- 
lar, and the people were in a mood to offer liberal 
inducements to those who would raise the means 
to furnish them with the necessary transportation 
facilities. 

For the same reason the Federal Government 
made valuable concessions in the interest of rail- 
road construction in the Western States. Since the 
railroads, thus aided, were in a large measure the 
creatures of the State and Nation they thereby ac- 
quired an interest in the administration of the Na- 
tional and State Governments, — especially those of 
the State, — that they otherwise would not have had. 

The construction of the roads went on at such 
a rapid rate that they soon acquired such a power 
and influence in the administration of the State 
Government that the people looked upon it as be- 
ing dangerous to their liberties. In fact it was 
claimed, — a claim, no doubt, largely supported by 
the facts, — that the State Government was actually 
dominated by railroad influence. No one, it was 
said, could be elected or appointed to an important 
ofiice who was not acceptable to the railroad in- 
terests. This state of affairs produced a revulsion 
among the common people; thousands of whom 
decided that they would vote against the Republi- 
can party, which was then, — as it had been for 
many years, — in control of the State Government 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 311 

Decause of its having allowed such a state of affairs 
:o be brought about. 

Edward Rosewater, editor and proprietor of the 
Dmaha Bee, the most influential Republican paper 
n the State, took sides against the railroad inter- 
;sts. The result was that Nebraska, for the first 
time, elected a Democratic governor. 

But many of the Republicans who acted with the 
Democrats on that occasion could not see their way 
clear to remain in that party, though some of them 
were not willing to return to the ranks of the Re- 
publicans. So they decided to cast their lot with 
the Populist party, which in the meantime had made 
its appearance upon the field of political activity. 
While the Democratic party remained the minority 
party in the State, it was seldom that the Republi- 
cans could poll more votes than the Democrats and 
Populists combined, and since, under the then lead- 
ership of the Democratic party in the State, that 
party and the Populist stood practically for the 
same things, it was not difficult to bring about fu- 
sion of the tw^o parties against the Republicans. 
This gave the Fusionists control of the State Gov- 
ernment for a number of years. 

In the meantime a brilliant, eloquent and tal- 
ented young man had come upon the stage of politi- 
cal activity. This man was William J. Bryan. 
His first entry into public life was his election to 
Congress as a Democrat from a Republican dis- 



312 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

trict. While a member of the House he made a 
speech on the tariff question which gave him na- 
tional fame. As a speaker William Jennings 
Bryan has always been plausible and captivating. 
He can clothe his thoughts in such beautiful and 
eloquent language that he seldom fails to make a 
favorable impression upon those who hear him. It 
was this wonderful faculty that secured him his 
first nomination for the Presidency. His name 
was hardly thought of in connection with the nomi- 
nation by that convention. In fact his right to a 
seat as a member of the convention was disputed 
and contested. But, after he had delivered his 
cross of gold and crown of thorns speech before 
that body, he carried the Convention by storm. 
His nomination was then a foregone conclusion. 

It was under the leadership and chiefly through 
the influence of Mr. Bryan that the fusion between 
the Democrats and the Populists of his State was 
brought about. But for his advocacy of Free Sil- 
ver and his affiliation with the Populists, he might 
have reached the goal of his ambition. The result 
of the election showed that while he commanded 
and received the support of not less than eighty 
per cent of his own party, the remaining twenty 
per cent proved to be strong enough to insure his 
defeat. In fact the business interests of the coun- 
try were almost solid against him ; and it is safe to 
say that no man can ever hope to become President 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 313 

of the United States who cannot at least divide 
the substantial and solid business interests. The 
business men were apprehensive that the election 
of Mr. Bryan would bring about financial and com- 
mercial disaster, hence they, almost regardless of 
previous party affiliations, practically united in an 
effort to defeat him. 

The State of Nebraska, therefore, will always oc- 
cupy a prominent place in the history of the coun- 
try, because, — though young, small, and politically 
weak, — it has produced the most remarkable man 
of whom the Democratic party can boast. It has 
also produced a number of very able men on the Re- 
publican side, such men, for instance, as C. F. Man- 
derson, and John M. Thurston, — who both served 
the State in the United States Senate, and made 
brilliant records. But Mr. Bryan had an advan- 
tage over these two when he stood before a popular 
audience in Nebraska, because they had been identi- 
fied with the railroad interests, while he had not. 

That Mr. Bryan is a strong man and has a won- 
derful hold upon his party is shown by the fact that 
he has been three times the party candidate for the 
Presidency. While it may be true that he can 
never be elected to the Presidency, it is no doubt 
equally true that while he lives no other Democrat 
can become President who is not acceptable to him. 
and to his friends. 

In one respect at least, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. 



314 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Bryan were very much alike. As already stated, 
Mr. Bryan is a Democrat. The same was true of 
Mr. Cleveland; and yet they were as radically dif- 
ferent as it is possible for two men to be. They 
were not only different in temperament and dispo- 
sition, but also in their views and convictions upon 
public questions, — at least, so far as the public is 
informed, — with the possible exception of the 
tariff. There was another question that came to 
the front after the Spanish American war, — the 
question of " Imperialism," — upon which they 
may have been in accord; but this is not positively 
known to be a fact. Indeed, the tariff is such a 
complicated subject that they may not have been in 
perfect accord even on that. Mr. Cleveland was 
elected President in 1892 upon a platform pledged 
to a tariff for revenue only. The Democrats had a 
majority in both Houses of Congress; but when 
that majority passed a tariff bill, it fell so far short 
of Mr. Cleveland's idea of a tariff for revenue only 
that he not only denounced it in strong language, 
but refused to sign it. Whether or not Mr. Bryan 
was with the President or with the Democratic ma- 
jority in Congress in that fight is not known; but, 
judging from his previous public utterances upon 
the subject, it is to be presumed that he was in ac- 
cord with the President. 

It is claimed by the friends and admirers of both 
Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Bryan that each could be 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 315 

truly called a Jeffersonian Democrat; which means 
a strong advocate and defender of what is called 
States Rights, a doctrine on which is based one of 
the principal differences between the Republican 
and Democratic parties. Yet President Cleveland 
did not hesitate to use the military force of the 
government to suppress domestic violence within 
the boundaries of a State, and that too against the 
protest of the Governor of the State, for the alleged 
reason that such action was necessary to prevent 
the interruption of the carrying of the United States 
mail. Mr. Bryan's views upon the same subject 
appear to be sufficiently elastic to justify the Na- 
tional Government, in his opinion, in becoming the 
owner and operator of the principal railroads of 
the country. His views along those lines are so 
far in advance of those of his party that he was 
obliged, for reasons of political expediency and 
party exigency, to hold them in abeyance during 
the Presidential campaign of 1908. Jeffersonian 
democracy, therefore, seems now to be nothing 
more than a meaningless form of expression. 



CHAPTER XXXII 

THE SOLID SOUTH, PAST AND PRESENT. FUTURE OF 
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 

To turn again to the South. This section has 
been a fertile field for political experimental pur- 
poses by successive Republican administrations, 
ever since the second administration of President 
Grant. The Solid South, so-called, has been a se- 
rious menace to the peace and prosperity of the 
country. How to bring about such a condition of 
affairs as would do away with the supposed neces- 
sity for its continuance has been the problem, the 
solution of which has been the cause of political 
experiments. President Hayes was the first to try 
the experiment of appointing Democrats to many 
of the most important offices, hoping that the solu- 
tion would thus be found. But he was not given 
credit for honest motives in doing so, for the rea- 
son that the public was impressed with the belief 
that such action on his part was one of the condi- 
tions upon which he was allowed to be peaceably 
inaugurated. At any rate the experiment was a 
complete failure, hence, so far as the more impor- 
tant offices were concerned, that policy was not 

316 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 317 

continued by Republican administrations that came 
into power subsequent to the Hayes administration, 
and prior to that of Taft's. 

I do not mean to say that no Democrats were ap- 
pointed to important offices at the South by the 
administrations referred to, but such appointments 
were not made with the belief or expectation that 
they would contribute to a solution of the problem 
that was involved in what was known as the Solid 
South. Political and social conditions in that sec- 
tion of the country are such that the appointment 
to some of the federal offices of men who are not 
identified with the Republican party is inevitable. 
The impression that the writer desires to make upon 
the mind of the reader is that, between the admin- 
istration of Hayes and that of Taft no Republican 
administrations made such appointments with the 
expectation that they would contribute to a break- 
ing up of the solid south. President Roosevelt 
tried the experiment of offering encouragement and 
inducements in that direction to what was known 
as the Gold-standard Democrats, but even that was 
barren of satisfactory results. President Taft 
seems to be the only Republican President since 
Mr. Hayes who has allowed himself to labor under 
the delusion that the desired result could be accom- 
plished through the use and distribution of Federal 
patronage. The chief mistake on the part of those 
who thus believe, and who act in accordance with 



3i8 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

that belief, grows out of a serious lack of informa- 
tion about the actual situation. In the first place 
their action is based upon the assumption that the 
Solid South, — or what remains of it, — is an out- 
growth of an honest expression of the wishes of the 
people of that section, whereas, in point of fact, 
the masses had very little to do with bringing about 
present conditions and know less about them. 
Those conditions are not due primarily to the fact 
that colored men are intimidated by white men, but 
that white men are intimidated by the Democratic 
party. They are not due primarily to the fact that 
colored men are disfranchised, but that white men 
are prevented from giving effective expression to 
their honest political opinions and convictions. 

The disfranchisement of the colored men is one 
of the results growing out of those conditions, 
which would not and could not exist if there were 
absolute freedom of thought and action in political 
matters among the white people. The only part 
that the so-called Race Question plays in this busi- 
ness is that it is used as a pretext to justify the 
coercive and proscriptive methods thus used. The 
fact that the colored man is disfranchised and has 
no voice in the creation and administration of the 
government under which he lives and by which he 
is taxed does not change the situation in this re- 
spect. His presence, — whether he can vote or not, 
— furnishes the occasion for the continuance of 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 319 

such methods, and, as long as intelhgent persons, 
especially at the North and particularly in the Re- 
publican party, can be thus fooled and deceived they 
will not be discontinued. 

The announcement of President Taft's Southern 
policy, therefore, was received by the present lead- 
ers of the Democratic party at the South with sat- 
isfaction and delight, not on account of the official 
recognition that members of their party were to 
receive, for that was of secondary importance, but 
on account of the fact that they could clearly see 
that their contention about the so-called race ques- 
tion was thus given a national sanction, which 
would have the effect of making that question serve 
them for several more Presidential campaigns. It 
was giving a new market value to this " watered, 
stock," from which they would derive political divi- 
dends for a much longer period than they otherwise 
would. They could thus see to their unbounded 
glee that if a man of President Taft's intelligence 
and experience could thus be deceived as to condi- 
tions at the South, they would not have very much 
difficulty in deceiving others who were not believed 
to be so well informed. 

To solve this problem, therefore, the disposition 
of the federal patronage will cut a very small figure. 
The patronage question is not half so important, in 
a political or party sense, as many have been led 
to believe. It really makes very little difference by 



320 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

whom the few offices are held, whether they be all 
Democrats, all Republicans, some white, some col- 
ored, provided they be honest, capable, and efficient. 
For political, personal or party reasons some feeling 
may be created, and some prejudice may be aroused 
on account of the appointment of a certain person 
to an office ; but i f no attention should be paid to it, 
and the fact should be developed that the duties of 
the same are being discharged in a creditable and 
satisfactory manner the public will soon forget all 
about it. The fact remains, however, that the dis- 
position of the federal patronage will not produce 
the slightest change in the political situation in such 
localities. If a national Republican administration 
should refuse to appoint a colored man, for in- 
stance, to any office in any one of the Southern 
States for the alleged reason that it might be ob- 
jectionable to the white people of the community, — 
and therefore might have a tendency to prevent 
white men from coming into the Republican party, 
— at the very next election in that community the 
fact would be demonstrated that the Republican 
party had not gained and that the Democratic party 
had not lost a single vote as a result thereof. The 
reason for this result would be in the first place that 
the excuse given was insmcere and untrue, and in 
the second place, because the incumbent of the office, 
whoever he might be, would produce no effect what- 
soever in the local situation in consequence of his 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 321 

appointment to the office and his acceptance of it. 
If there should be any change at all in the situation 
it would doubtless be to the detriment of the Re- 
publican party ; for there would, no doubt, be some 
who would be disposed to resent what would seem 
to them to be political or party ingratitude. 

So far as the colored Republicans are concerned 
they have been in the past, and must be in the fu- 
ture, nothing more than party allies. They have 
never dominated a State, nor have they controlled 
the Republican organization of any State to the ex- 
clusion of the white men thereof. They have sim- 
ply been the allies of white men who could be 
induced to come forward and assume the leader- 
ship. This is all they have been in the past; it is 
all they desire to be in the future. They are per- 
fectly willing to follow where others lead provided 
those others lead wisely and in the right direction. 
All they ask, desire and insist upon is to be recog- 
nized as political allies upon temis of equality and 
to have a voice in the councils of the party of their 
choice and in the creation and administration of 
the government under which they live, and by which 
they are taxed, and also a fair and reasonable rec- 
ognition as a result of party success, based, all 
things else being equal, upon merit, fitness, ability 
and capacity. Even in States where it is possi- 
ble for them to wield a sufficient influence to 
be potential in party conventions, and to help 



322 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

shape the policy and select the candidates of that 
party, they never fail to support the strongest and 
best men among the white members of the or- 
ganization. If it be true that they were sometimes 
the victims of misplaced confidence, it cannot, and 
will not, be denied that the same is equally true of 
white men of far more experience in such matters. 

If there is ever to be again, as there once was, a 
strong and substantial Republican party at the 
South, or a party by any other name that will openly 
oppose the ruling oligarchy of that section, — as I 
have every reason to believe will eventually take 
place, — it will not be through the disposition of 
federal patronage, but in consequence of the ac- 
ceptance by the people of that section of the princi- 
ples and policies for which the National Organiza- 
tion stands. For the accomplishment of this 
purpose and for the attainment of this end time is 
the most important factor. Questionable methods 
that have been used to hold in abeyance the ad- 
vancing civilization of the age will eventually be 
overcome and effectually destroyed. The wheels of 
progress, of intelligence, and of right cannot and 
will not move backwards, but will go forward in 
spite of all that can be said and done. In the mean 
time the exercise of patience, forbearance, and good 
judgment are all that will be required. 

Another fact which seems to be overlooked by 
many is that the so-called Solid South of to-day is 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 323 

not the menace to the country that it was between 
1875 and 1888. During that period the SoHd South 
included the States of Delaware, Maryland, West 
Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. Those States 
at that time were as reliably Democratic as Texas 
and Georgia. Such does not seem to be true of 
them now, and yet I venture the assertion that the 
disposition of the federal patronage in them had 
very little, if anything, to do with bringing about the 
change. What has been done and is being done in 
those States can be done in others that are located 
south of them. As strong as the Republican party 
is there is one thing it cannot afford to do, and that 
is to encourage or tolerate the drawing of the race 
or color line in any efforts that may be made to 
break up and dissolve what now remains of the 
Solid South. One of the cardinal principles and 
doctrines of the Republican party, — the principle 
that has, more than any other, secured for it the loyal 
and consistent support of those who represent the 
moral sentiment of the country, — is its bold and 
aggressive advocacy and defense of liberty, justice, 
and equal civil and political rights for all classes of 
American citizens. From that grand and noble po- 
sition it cannot afford to descend in an effort tO' 
find new and doubtful allies. If it should in an 
evil moment allow itself to make such a grave 
blunder, such a criminal mistake, it will thereby 
forfeit the confidence and support of the major part 



324 THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

of those upon whom in the past it has relied, — and 
never in vain, — for its continuance in power. 
There is nothing in the situation that would justify 
the experiment, even if it were thought that a httle 
temporary and local advantage would be secured 
thereby. 

The Fifteenth Amendment to the National Con- 
stitution was not intended to confer suffrage upon 
any particular race or class of persons, but merely 
to place a limit upon the National Government and 
that of the several States in prescribing the qualifi- 
cations of electors. Whatever power the national 
or any state government may have had in prescrib- 
ing the qualification of electors prior to the ratifi- 
cation of the Fifteenth Amendment it still has, save 
that it cannot legally and constitutionally make race 
or color a ground of disqualificaion. In other 
words, whatever qualifications may be prescribed 
and fixed as a condition precedent to voting, must 
be applicable to white and colored alike. A few 
States, under the false plea of political necessity, 
have resorted to certain schemes of doubtful con- 
stitutionality, for the sole purpose of evading this 
plain provision of the National Constitution. They 
may stand for a while, but, even if they could stand 
indefinitely, that fact would furnish no excuse for 
the party, — a party that has stood so long, and 
fought so hard for liberty, justice, equal rights, and 
fair play, — to enter into a political alliance with 



THE FACTS OF RECONSTRUCTION 325 

any other party or faction which would involve a 
compromise or an abandonment of those grand and 
noble principles. The Republican party is still in 
the prime and glory of its usefulness. It is still 
strong in the confidence and affections of the masses 
of the people, at least such was the case in 1908, 
because it had not up to that time allowed itself to 
compromise or abandon, — so far as its platform 
utterances were concerned, — the fundamental prin- 
ciples which called it into existence and which 
caused it to be placed in control of the National 
Government, and which have caused its continuance 
in power for so many years. Whether or not the 
unwise and unfortunate southern policy inaugu- 
rated by the Taft Administration will result in dis- 
aster to the party is not and cannot be known at 
this writing. We can only hope. 



THE END 



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